Of the bronzes found during the recent excavations, one, the naked woman, No. 6, is an important contribution to the history of Spartan art, while many of the others present points of special interest. Two statuettes, Nos. 4 and 6, are almost certainly local work; two others, Nos. 1 and 9, are probably so. The protomai, Nos. 24–28, have every claim to be Spartan products; so too have many of the minor objects. Two figures appear to be imported from the North-East Peloponnese, Nos. 2 and 3. In the following account, a complete description is given of the more important unpublished bronzes, and a short supplementary description is included of some of the bronzes published in Vol. XXVI of this Annual. A number of small and apparently insignificant finds are also mentioned, since it is desirable to have a complete record of the bronzes associated with a given site.

People who walk in mountains grow accustomed to finding their movements facilitated from time to time by what the mountaineering books call ‘corridors’ or ‘high-level routes,’ in places where one might have expected nothing but large stones. There is a famous one from Zermatt to Arolla. There is a little one between Stye Head and Sea Fell, running from Skew Ghyll to the Ling Mell col above Hollow Stones. There is another—improved but not created by man—along the north face of Pillar Mountain. Of the same nature, and equally unexpected at first, are the ‘rakes’ and ledges which sometimes run right across a rock face, and assist, as one might say, the tactics of the mountaineer, just as the major high-level routes assist him in his strategy. They may even assist the faint-hearted to get off a face altogether. Or, of course, such a ledge may be upside down, and then it is not so good.

The villages of lower and upper Boularioi lie on the hill-side above the modern port of Gerolimena. Above the upper village stands the church of Hagios Strategos (Pls. XI, XII). It is in three parts, the church proper, the narthex, and a small domed porch. The church belongs to the two-columned type of the later Byzantine school, in which the central dome rests upon two columns to the west and upon the dividing walls of the eastern chapels to the east. Internally it is not very accurately or squarely built, but widens rather to the east: it measures about 16 ft. in breadth by 18 ft. long, with walls of about 2 ft. 9 in. in thickness, and terminates in the usual three eastern apses, semicircular both inside and out.

A fragmentary inscription found at Thebes casts new light on the abortive invasion of Athens in 506 by Kleomenes, the Boiotians, and the Chalkidians. On the one hand, it provides valuable confirmation, soon after the event, of the general drift of Herodotos' account of events; on the other, even in its incomplete state, it adds one important detail lacking in Herodotos. And, of course, it tells the story from the Boiotian point of view.

The excavation took place in the winter of the year 2001–2 in the property of Evanghelia Madhis at Thebes following her application for the construction of a new house. The plot is situated in the suburb of Pyri, in the north-west periphery of Thebes, about 800 m from the city centre of Thebes, and just beyond the Athens–Thessaloniki railway line (FIG. 1). In it was unearthed a well-built tomb-like cist, made of three rows of large conglomerate stone blocks in regular masonry; similar blocks form its pavement. No traces of covering stones or other relevant materials have so far been discovered. However, since the contents of the cist—including objects such as the bronze inscribed sheets found at the bottom—were probably thrown there when it was abandoned, it may never have been properly covered: no trace of a superstructure or roofing system is preserved on the upper surface of the walls of the cist.

This article argues that, by concentrating on a reading of the depictions of deities on the Athenian document reliefs as symbolic representations of states rather than as divinities, previous scholarly approaches to them have failed to explore the role they ascribe to the gods in collective decision-making and the exercise of public authority. This article resituates the interpretation of these monuments in the context of other monuments depicting the gods and recent approaches to them, and the other ways in which public inscriptions, both at Athens and elsewhere, make reference to divine actors, through their erection in sacred spaces and the use of the theoi heading. It then examines the range of possible readings of the relationship between divine agency and political decision-making which these monuments privilege and argues that they reflect a conventional understanding that, in general, Athenian decision-making was underpinned by the gods.

The study attempts a reconstruction of the fresco, based on a detailed study of the preserved plaster fragments, of which new drawings and photos are provided. Minoan miniature frescoes with architectural façades appear to be the closest iconographically. Representations like those in the Grandstand and Sacred Grove frescoes from the palace of Knossos are examined, both for their possible thematic association with bull-leaping and for their possible role as models for the Ramp House fresco.

Research conducted and published over the last 35 years has brought to light much new information concerning the so-called ‘SOS’ amphora, produced primarily in Attica and Euboea in the Archaic period. However, little focused work has been undertaken in the study of these vessels since Johnston and Jones' seminal work in 1978. This paper therefore provides a critical update on the production and distribution of SOS amphorae using the current data available. Included in this update is a discussion of recent research on Early Iron Age amphorae that may help situate the SOS amphora within a broader ceramic milieu. A new distribution of SOS amphorae also necessitates a reappraisal of some previously held ideas concerning their chronological patterns and the specific actors involved in their shipment. Taking into consideration the multiple spatial and temporal varieties of SOS amphorae, it can be shown that these vessels were relatively evenly deposited across the Mediterranean, from Iberia to the Levant, very early in the Archaic period. In combination with other factors, this widespread distribution may support the hypothesis that non-Greek seafarers were involved with transporting Athenian and Euboean SOS amphorae. Ultimately, it is hoped that a fresh look at this ceramic shape, however brief, might contribute to existing scholarly debates on cultural interactions and mobility within the Mediterranean basin during the Archaic period.

The fifth campaign on the Palace Site of Knossos had a twofold objective:—(I) The continued exploration of the Palace itself, with the special object of ascertaining its original elements, on which the Cists and Repositories found in 1903 had already thrown so much light; (2) the further investigation of dependencies lying beyond what may be called the inner enceinte. In addition to this, the discovery of an extensive Minoan Cemetery and of a Royal Tomb went greatly to swell the volume of the year's excavation.

This paper presents the results from the pilot analytical study of the Aegean Late–Final Neolithic/Anatolian Middle–Late Chalcolithic (c. 5500–3200/3000 BC) pottery from the Kastro-Tigani settlement, located in south-east Samos (east Aegean). In addition to Crete, the region of the insular eastern Aegean has produced the earliest evidence for Neolithic habitation. The archaeological traces at Kastro-Tigani are so far the earliest known on Samos, being partly contemporary with the recently discovered Middle–Late Chalcolithic layers at the Heraion, lying in close proximity to the former site, and at the Agriomernos cave (Megalo Seitani) in the north-west part of the island. The re-evaluation of the ceramic assemblage from Kastro-Tigani has led to the laboratory analysis of 34 samples, using a combination of thin-section petrography and Wavelength Dispersive X-Ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy, in order to determine provenance and establish reference groups for the earliest local production on Samos. This first compositional characterisation of the pottery contributes new data in a relatively under-studied region and provides grounds for comparison with analytical results from the Heraion, with the aim to investigate possible relations between the sites. Hence, the identification of different strategies in pottery production, reflected in the overall distinct fabric and chemical groups, further indicates the practice of several production units and the exploitation of various raw material sources at the Pythagoreion/Chora plain. Isolated examples of possible imported ceramic vessels, as well as exotica (e.g. obsidian, acrolithic and Kilia figurines, ring-shaped features, marble vessels, kratiriskoi) are highlighted as markers of macro-scale interaction in the context of Aegean early maritime connectivity.

The recording of two unpublished moulds in the storeroom of the Prehistoric Collections of the National Archaeological Museum, Athens, presented here, provide the stimulus for a re-examination of the construction method of the bezeled/signet rings of Mycenaean times. The moulds, one of semi-cylindrical shape and the other rectangular, belong to a limited class of items from Crete, Mainland Greece, and Enkomi, Cyprus.

It is possible that such moulds have served for the construction of the wax model of the artefacts, in the lost wax technique and not directly for the cast of gold, since the very construction of them, which is time-consuming and necessitates the skills of specialized craftsmen, indicates that they did not serve for a single use but rather for several uses. On the other hand, even steatite, the stone mostly used for such moulds, cannot adhere to continuous pressure to high temperatures, necessary for casting gold.

Στην παρούσα μελετη καταγράφονται δύο αδημοσίευτες μήτρες από την αποθήκη της Προϊστορικής Συλλογής του Εθνικού Αρχαιολογικού Μουσείου στην Αθήνα, προσφέροντας το ερέθισμα για μία επανεξέταση της τεχνικής κατασκευής των δακτυλιδιών με σφενδόνη της Μυκηναϊκής εποχής. Οι μήτρες, από τις οποίες η μία είναι ημικυλινδρική και η άλλη ορθογώνια, ανήκουν σε μία περιορισμένη τάξη ευρημάτων, που προέρχονται από την Κρήτη, την Ηπειρωτική Ελλάδα και την Έγκωμη της Κύπρου.

Είναι πιθανό ότι αυτές οι μήτρες να χρησιμοποιήθηκαν για την κατασκευή των κέρινων εκμαγείων των δακτυλιδιών κατά την τεχνική του «χαμένου κεριού» και όχι για την απευθείας χύτευση χρυσού. Η ίδια η κατασκευή τους, που προϋποθέτει πολύ χρόνο και ειδικευμένους τεχνίτες, υποδεικνύει ότι δεν χρησιμοποιήθηκαν μόνο για μία φορά. Από την άλλη πλευρά, ακόμη και ο στεατίτης, ο λίθος που κατεξοχήν χρησιμοποιήθηκε για την κατασκευή αυτών των αντικειμένων, δεν θα μπορούσε να αντέξει τις υψηλές θερμοκρασίες, που απαιτούντοα για την χύτευση του χρυσού σε διαδοχικές χρήσεις.

Interpretation of the historical and epigraphical data can only provide a bare outline of the political and social environment of Knossos between the 5th and 7th centuries AD. Consequently, our understanding of late Antique Knossos comes primarily from the excavated remains of two of the Christian basilicas in the Valley; the Sanatorium Basilica and the KMF Basilica. Although excavations of the former have been published in full, concerning the KMF Basilica, only a brief summary of its architecture has been published. As a result, a detailed analysis of the excavations of the basilica itself will be made available here, including particulars of its architecture, mosaics, and summaries of the associated elements of the entire basilica complex (a detailed discussion of the whole Late Antique KMF excavations is forthcoming). As such, not only is a new and full interpretation of the KMF Basilica provided, but also for the first time the material culture of Late Antique Knossos is collated and subsequently analysed to provide a clear understanding of the nature of the city during this period. Despite a dearth of domestic evidence, a contextual study of the surviving architecture (principally religious) in conjunction with the mortuary remains, allows a broad perception of society and a clear comprehension of the development of the city. Thus the aim here is to examine the compelling evidence that, contrary to common belief, during the Late Antique period Knossos continued to be a vibrant and influential city as it had been in the Roman period.

The Greek cities of the western coast of the Black Sea knew both foundation myths and the phenomenon of the second foundation, associated with the rebuilding of civic life after the invasion of Burebista, the king of the Getae and Dacian tribes from 82 bce to 44 bce. In most foundation stories the ktistes is either a god (in the case of the city of Dionysopolis) or a hero (in the cases of the cities of Kallatis, Tomis and Anchialos), and the stories date mostly to the Antonine age. The story of Tomos of Tomis stands out owing to its wide acceptance among the local elite, while that of Melsas of Mesambria may have never gained official acceptance: it was created in the late Hellenistic age, probably reviving a Thracian tale of Melsas, perhaps a hero, known from early-third century bce coins. The Melsas story is a prime example of cultural transfers from the native population to Greek-majority Mesambria in the Hellenistic and early Roman ages.

Two inscribed slabs in the Sparta Museum and the imperial statue base from which they came are restudied. It is demonstrated that it once supported statues of Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Geta, Julia Domna, and Plautilla. A second part assembles evidence for a hitherto neglected Spartan festival, the Olympea Comodeia.

The village of Arkalokhóri in central Crete lies a short distance to the south-west of Lyttos. To the east of the village is an eminence to which the ruined church on the top has given the name of Prophetes Elias. Below the summit on the western slope is a cave, the mouth of which is shewn in Fig. 1. Many years ago the peasants found bronze objects and potsherds at this point, and began an excavation of the cave in the hope of finding buried treasure. On entering the cave they found more and more pieces of bronze, described as blades of knives and lances, as well as some beads, and in order to get more quickly to the bottom of the cave, where they supposed that the treasure would be, they broke up the greater part of it with dynamite. They say that they collected eighteen okes of bronze objects, for the most part rusted blades, and sold them in Candia as old metal. No report of this had ever reached me, but last year a peasant from Arkalokhóri brought some blades to the Candia Museum from this cave, and thus led me to go and make an examination of the place.

The mouth of the cave was then choked with large boulders which had fallen down from above; these I broke up and rolled down the slope. Beneath and amongst them I immediately began to find blades of swords and knives and double-axes, all of bronze with the exception of a small axe which was of silver. The area thus cleared after rolling away the boulders in front of the present cave, is about 4 metres in length, and in width from 1 to 2 metres, and seems to have been the floor of the original cave.

Apsidal and elliptical buildings are characteristic of rural societies. In Greece their tradition goes back to the late Neolithic period. Apsidal houses become common in the EH and especially the MH periods, while oval buildings do not occur as often. It is generally acknowledged that curvilinear plans went out of fashion at the end of the MH period and that they reappeared in the beginning of the EIA. This statement is fundamentally correct for rectangular constructions prevail throughout the Mycenaean era. Yet an attentive survey of LBA sites in Greece proves that curvilinear buildings were still constructed in certain regions. A rapid review of these sites could be beneficial, for it might help in elucidating some of the reasons of the resurgence of these particular building plans shortly after the final collapse of the Mycenaean civilization.

The recent publication of the Attic black-figured pottery from the sanctuary of Aphaia on Aegina has brought into question the widely accepted date for the construction of the late archaic temple and its sculpture. Much of the pottery comes from the terrace system around the temple which preceded the building's construction. 47.7% of the black-figured pottery is later than the commonly assumed date of c. 510 for the destruction and rebuilding of the temple. Using the latest pottery and the widely accepted Studniczka-Langlotz chronology a terminus post quem is provided during the time of the Persian Wars. The range of pottery also shows that the terrace fills around the temple fall into the same chronological horizon as deposits at Athens which have been linked to the Persian destruction and may, in fact, be even later. The historical context for the rebuilding seems to be in the affluent years after the Persian Wars when the cities of Greece were able to benefit from booty won on the field of battle.

The place known as Chauchitsa lies some sixty kilometres to the north of Salonika (Fig. 1). It was identified first as an ancient site at the end of the year 1917, during military operations. During the digging of trenches and other works antiquities were discovered which were recognised as belonging to the various stages of culture of a period extending from Neolithic to Roman times. The majority of the objects so discovered I published in the Annual of the British School for 1918–1919.

On April 15th this year I paid a preliminary visit to the site. While considerable damage had been done by the cutting of trenches, I felt satisfied that sufficient of the original ground remained undisturbed to justify excavation. I therefore commenced excavation on the 28th of April, 1921. As the isolation of the site made the conditions of a small test excavation of this nature somewhat difficult I decided to continue only, for such time as would enable me to ascertain the general nature of the site.

Towers on the island of Thasos are discussed, to determine how they relate to the Thasian countryside. It is unlikely that there is any single explanation for their existence. Defence does not appear to be a normal purpose. Some may have served as signals of danger to sailors, others were primarily agricultural, providing safe, if temporary, bases for farming and herding. Some may have been strong rooms associated with normal village dwellings for storage and protection of goods as well as people in times of danger or as a display of wealth. It is noted that village settlements are infrequent on Thasos. A catalogue of the towers is given in an appendix.

The present population of Melos is collected into six or seven villages in the north-western district, all within a mile or so of the citadel of Kastro. But the whole island is dotted with small churches, some in the existing villages, some on the sites of villages which have disappeared, and others in isolated positions, used only once or twice a year as places of pilgrimage. These churches are interesting in many ways, both as showing the almost Oriental conservatism with which the Greek Church clings to its ancient methods of church-building, and because, although simple in the extreme, they yet possess certain marked differences of structure from the better-known churches of Attica and the mainland, to which, in point of design, they are often superior.