The Acropolis Basilica, Sparta, was first excavated by G. Guttle, under the auspices of the British School at Athens, in the 1920s. Two further campaigns were carried out by members of the Athens Archaeological Society, who were not privy to the unpublished excavation daybooks of the British campaign. As a result, 80 years on, the church is still poorly understood; its date and chronological development have been the subject of much scholarly debate, as has its attribution to Osios Nikon. The first phase of a new study of the basilica is now well underway. This consists of non-intrusive study and recording to reach a better understanding of the monument and the previous investigations before new excavations are carried out. The aims of the first phase of the project are to undertake archaeological cleaning of the basilica and its associated buildings to facilitate the production of an accurate ground plan of monuments, the creation of stone by stone elevations of the exterior walls of all the buildings, and the detailed photography of every aspect of the entire basilica complex. Detailed recording of the features exposed in the basilica has been carried out in order to assess chronological phasing (both through context and architecture), use of space within the basilica and potential reconstructions of the edifices. Following the first season of the project, we have a number of preliminary ideas regarding the phasing of the basilica and use of architectural space. In this article we present these ideas, our methodology, a new plan of the monument and its associated buildings and, for the first time, a resume of Cuttle's excavations.

When I wrote the Excursus (Excursus on the Combed Ware: Evidence for Beekeeping) for the report on the Vari House, I was unfortunately compelled, through ignorance, to leave one obvious loose end. The so-called bronze beehive from Pompeii, discussed on p. 403 with n. 53, remained an enigma of which all that could be definitely said was that it was certainly not a beehive.

This object, it will be recalled, was published, and illustrated in a neat, measured drawing, in T. L. Donaldson's Pompeii (London, 1827) ii., 13 and plate opposite p. 12 (Fig. 1). As near as can be calculated from the indications of scale in Donaldson's plate, the dimensions of the vessel were as follows: height c. 0·61 m.; maximum diameter c. 0·63 m.; diameter of mouth c. 0·28 m.; of lid c. 0·56 m. The brief statement about it in the text was confined to the information that it was made of bronze, was found at Pompeii, and was in the Museum at Naples. All the later works which refer to it, or reproduce the drawing, seem to derive from Donaldson, and I was led to believe from its absence from nineteenth-century catalogues that it had disappeared from the Museum's collection long ago.

On the centenary of British Museum investigations at the site of Maroni Tsaroukkas in southern Cyprus, we present the findings of the re-excavation of funerary deposits at this Late Bronze Age site. We discuss the historical background to the discovery of tombs and artefacts at the site by the British Museum in an attempt to understand and tie in more recent discoveries. The results of excavation over the past five years are assessed in terms of the evolution of funerary practice at the site, and in the valley as a whole, and the role of locally produced and foreign objects within such contexts. In particular, we discuss the role of prestige imports and influence in conspicuous consumption and funerary display during the LC II period. With their obvious political and economic connotations, aspects of foreign trade and influence are linked to other investigations at the site; these are principally concerned with the role of Tsaroukkas as the principal port in the Maroni valley and the development of the urban centres at Tsaroukkas and nearby Maroni Vournes.

It has been and still is widely supposed that some Greek kilns had a stoking tunnel that was divided lengthwise into two parts. The evidence is the representation of a kiln on the Corinthian clay plaque illustrated on Plate 7b. It is of the second quarter of the sixth century B.C. and was found in 1879 in the deposit at Penteskouphia near Corinth. This representation is interpreted usually as a horizontal plan; at one end, misplaced for clarity, is the chimney, which should rightly be on the top, and at the other end is the stoking tunnel, divided down its length by a wall. Recently M. Bimson has protested that the view on the plaque is a vertical section across the chamber of the kiln, and that the support below the floor is a wall that does not extend into the tunnel. That the plaque gives a section is true, but it is a section along the kiln and the support is a pier, probably circular. This was presumably so evident to Furtwängler, who first published the plaque, that he did not argue the interpretation; but it seems that after all argument is needed.

Many of the plaques from Penteskouphia are decorated on both sides and ours is one of them. The side opposite that with the kiln is illustrated on Plate 7a. It shows a man and the hind part of a boar. Since the right edge is broken and it is very rarely that any of these plaques shows an incomplete figure, it can be calculated that we have less than half of the original scene. The same must be true also of the side with the kiln and, since very few of the plaques combine two scenes on one side, there must be a considerable extension of this scene to the left. An examination of the other published plaques with kilns leaves little doubt of what that extension was. The regular view of a kiln is from the side, usually an elevation, but in two instances a partial section (Plate 7c–d). Often there is a workman busy at the stoke-hole or the chimney. In the two sectional views just mentioned faggots can be seen in the stoking tunnel and embers or other small pieces are spilling into the near part of the lower chamber.

The small Greek island of Antikythera has a long history of human exploitation, of which one of the most interesting episodes is represented by a fortified settlement on the north coast of the island that can be plausibly identified as a centre of Hellenistic piratical activity. Hellenistic ‘Aegila’ has left both impressive standing remains and a range of portable finds that have attracted academic interest over much of the last two centuries. This paper examines the pottery assemblage from this period recovered during a recent intensive survey over the island's entire extent. We consider the spatial and typological character of this material as well as the implications it has for the Hellenistic community's wider social, economic and political connections.

A gold myrtle wreath was acquired by the Jean Paul Getty Museum in 1993, and returned to Greece in 2007: it is now housed in the collection of the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki (inv. no. ΜΘ 24000). While its technical features and methods of manufacture have already been discussed in previous publications, this article focuses on provenance, dating, and comparisons. On the basis of a detailed structural analysis and parallels for this wreath, the author suggests Central Macedonia as its provenance and a date towards the end of the 4th century bc. This is the eighth myrtle wreath from this region, implying that this type was made in local workshops. The concluding section of this article offers a brief account of the use of wreaths in ancient Greece.

Ένα χρυσό στεφάνι μυρτιάς, που αγοράστηκε από του Μουσείο γκεττύ το 1993, επιστράφηκε στην Ελλάδα το 2007 και συμπεριλήφθηκε στη συλλογή του Αρχαιολογικού Μουσείου Θεσσαλονίκης (ΜΘ 24000). Οι τεχνικές λεπτομέρειες και η μέθοδος κατασκευής του έχουν παρουσιαστεί σε σχετικές δημοσιεύσεις. Η παρούσα εργασία εξετάςει την προέλευση, τη χρονολόγηση και τη σύγκρισή του με άλλα παρόμοια χρυσά στεφάνια μυρτιάς. Βασισμένη στη λεπτομερή ανάλυση της δομής του αντικειμένου και στα παράλληλά του, η συγγραφέας προτείνει την Κεντρική Μακεδονία ως τόπο προέλευσής του και το χρονολογεί στα τέλη του 4ου αιώνα π.Χ. Είναι το όγδοο χρυσό στεφάνι μυρτιάς από την περιοχή αυτή υποδηλώνοντας ότι αυτός ο τύπος κατασκευαςόταν εκεί, σε τοπικά εργαστήρια. Στο τελευταίο τμήμα της εργασίας γίνεται σύντομη αναφορά στη χρήση των χρυσών στεφανιών στην αρχαία Ελλάδα.

The excavation is described of a much damaged shrine building five kilometres east-north-east of Sparta, in use from the 7th to the 4th centuries B.C., and again in the 3rd and 4th centuries A.D.

Tile stamps suggest it was dedicated to Zeus Messapeus. Finds include many handmade terracotta statuettes, chiefly of grotesque ithyphallic human figures.

From the opening of the British School at Athens in 1886 to the outbreak of the First World War, women were regularly admitted as Students. British women were actively engaged in research in Greece, although they were not permitted to join official School excavations until the 1911 campaign at Phylakopi on the island of Melos. This contrasts with the active field research of American women like Harriet Boyd Hawes. Most of the British women had been educated at either Girton College or Newnham College, Cambridge, where they had been influenced by Katharine Jex-Blake and Jane Harrison. For several, notably Hilda Lorimer, Gisela Richter and Eugenie Strong, their residence in Athens was to make a significant contribution to their careers and subsequent study of antiquity.

The recently reaffirmed identifications of Millawanda (= Miletos) and Apasa (= Ephesos) in the Hittite archives also confirm that interaction between Ahhiyawa and the Hittites was mainly in South-West Anatolia. Since Ahhiyawa was ‘across the sea’ from there, it is now shown to have been one of the ‘kingdoms’ of Mycenaean Greece. The Dodecanese Islands have been proposed, where a population increase may have been accompanied by immigration from the Argolid. But, even if combined with part of the Anatolian mainland opposite, the Dodecanese would not have been sufficiently important, since at least one king of Ahhiyawa was addressed as an equal by a Hittite Great King. Of the other suggested identifications, only Mycenae possessed the power and international status indicated. The Dodecanese seem marked as ‘the islands’, mentioned in the Hittite texts both as belonging to Ahhiyawa and as a haven for persons fleeing Hittite retribution.

Technological and typological studies of the chipped-stone industries of Palaeolithic Greece have hitherto been founded upon thorough descriptions of the morphological attributes of artefacts. This article departs from this tradition to examine, by means of refitting, the technology that created a group of 1691 lithic artefacts at Upper Palaeolithic Kastritsa. Refitting seeks to reconstruct individual reduction sequences by making connections between artefacts that are the results of successive steps in lithic production, thereby revealing more about the biographies of those artefacts. This approach, although extremely valuable, is not universally applicable because it is time-consuming and works only if the artefacts it examines have been retrieved from undisturbed contexts. Kastritsa's industry, however, lends itself to this sort of analysis thanks to the site's generally good spatial and temporal integrity. Attention is focused on layer 12 (in the western part of the rockshelter), a layer that has, amongst other features, yielded two sets of postholes. This evidence of habitation structures of this sort is unique in the Upper Palaeolithic record of south-east Europe. The analysis shows that this layer contains the greatest percentage of refitting specimens so far recorded at Kastritsa and makes a number of observations concerning the technological decisions taken by the knappers who worked there. It also suggests that specialised knapping and transformation activities probably took place in this part of the camp.

While travelling in Turkey in 1951 as Wilson Fellow of the University of Aberdeen, I visited Eskişehir (Dorylaion) and a number of villages in that area. In the interval between Cox and Cameron's exhaustive survey of that district and my own visit, a considerable amount of new material has come to light, as is generally the case in Anatolia. The following inscriptions are of some interest:

1. Eskişehir, Museum Depôt Inv. no. 186. Grey marble bomos with acroteria; slightly damaged, and badly weathered at one point in the inscribed area. Mouldings above and below. In pediment, part of an eagle, probably the eagle of Zeus; see L. Robert, RevPhil XIII (1939), 203 f.

H. (visible) 1·1 m.; W. 0·49 m., (shaft) 0·36 m.; Th. 0·325 m. Letters 0·035 m. to 0·048 m.; average 0·037 m., with heavy apices and ligatures.

Photograph of squeeze, Fig.

The reference to Zeus Euphranor is new.

The thirteenth-to-sixteenth-century (“Venetian”) defended settlement of Kephalos on the island of Paros was surveyed by the Cyclades Research Project (CY.RE.P.). This article offers an archaeological case-study of the kastro by examining and interpreting its medieval material remains (defensive walls, chapels, cisterns, domestic structures and surface potsherds). Moreover, on the basis of combined information from written sources and comparable building projects in late medieval Italy and the Latin-dominated Levant, more light can be shed on aspects of daily life in the Aegean. Archaeological evidence suggests that the first phase of Kephalos could be placed in the later thirteenth century but it was extended with the addition of an outer defensive wall in the late fourteenth century and was inhabited until the legendary besiege of the corsair Barbarossa in 1537. Domestic remains within the kastro suggest that the site must have been densely built, housing a large number of peasants in single-roomed two-storey houses. Architectural remains and ceramic finds on the highest point of the site testify to the existence of a strong Catholic/upper class element on the most prominent portion of the kastro, reserved for the Latin lords and their agricultural produce. Extensive survey (by CY.RE.P.) in the valley below Kephalos has shown that a number of contemporary satellite settlements existed and functioned around the kastro, suggesting an agriculturally intensified use of the rural landscape. Additionally, the study and interpretation of the surface ceramic finds offer a window to late medieval living standards and food preferences in the Aegean

Distribution maps are fashionable among archaeologists, but they are not always used properly. It is not enough to mark the places where objects of a given class have been found; it is important to know also in what frequency they were found, where they have not been found, and where they have not been looked for. To collect this information is often difficult and sometimes impossible since so much excavation has gone unrecorded, and I have therefore chosen one of the easier subjects, the distribution of Chiot pottery in the late seventh and early sixth centuries B.C. Much Chiot pottery is fortunately distinctive, so that even the more conscienceless excavators have often identified it and thought it worth mention, and thus we have fuller data for its distribution than for that of most classes of archaic Greek pottery.

Charred plant remains of middle neolithic to middle bronze age date indicate the processing for storage or consumption of emmer (Triticum dicoccum), hulled six-row barley (Hordeum vulgare), bitter vetch (Vicia ervilia) and acorns (Quercus sp.). Samples of emmer, barley, and bitter vetch from an early bronze age destruction level are valuable evidence for economic diversification at a household level.

It is argued that Byzantine manuscript illustrations to Hesiod's eighth-century BC poem offer realistic evidence for the appearance and function of common Medieval agricultural implements, of which there is little other record. Fourteen manuscripts illustrated from the tenth to sixteenth centuries AD are analysed in the Table on p. 67. In them seventeen implements not named in the text may be regarded as contemporary Medieval pictures, which may also be true of the six implements which Hesiod describes, for traditional textual or arthistorical rules hardly apply to these rustic drawings. Using the methodology of K. D. White's studies of Roman farming, other pictorial, literary, documentary, and the scanty archaeological evidence, together with that of survivals, is applied to these twenty-three implements alone. Conclusions are that the Byzantines may have introduced an eliktrin spade-fork, and possibly a wheel structure, but the article must be read within the context of Roman, Western Medieval and later Mediterranean studies of technology and means of peasant production, for which it offers only a first step in the largely unexplored Byzantine field.

Since remains, especially of an artistic nature, that can be definitely assigned to the Frankish period, are rare in Greece, the following monuments are of some interest.

The warrior relief (Fig. 1) is walled up in the house of Ioannes Sikiotes in the hamlet of Parori, at the foot of Taygetus about half an hour south of Mistra. It is of local bluish marble, and measures 85 × 53 m.; the height of the relief is 02 m. It shews a warrior en face, though his legs are represented in profile to the right; the hair does not seem to be indicated, nor is there any trace of a helmet; the eyes are roughly oval in shape and the pupils are indicated by dots; the ears are big, the nose is snub, and the mouth is rendered by a line that curves downwards at the corners; the neck is long, the body has no indication of detail except the nipples, the chest is narrow and the hips are rather wide; the legs and feet are very small.

This paper is a summary of the results of a workshop held at Knossos in August 1992. The aims of the workshop were to examine the most coherent and reliable deposits, place them in a chronological sequence, and decide on common terminologies and definitions. This brief paper provides a framework and serves as a common introduction to various detailed studies of Knossian EM–MM pottery by the various authors which have appeared, are in press, or are forthcoming.

This is a report of an architectural survey of the site of Praisos in E. Crete, undertaken in 1992. A plan of ancient and modern features was produced, which included remains surviving above ground such as ancient walls, rockcuttings, cut blocks, and spolia, together with more detailed plans of features and concentrations of features. This documentation has been supplemented with photographs, elevation drawings, and descriptions of selected features, especially rock-cuttings. Rock-cut features, common on many Cretan sites, have rarely been described in detail or discussed properly; the article seeks to remedy this state of affairs to some extent. The remains seem to date to the Minoan, archaic, and late classical–hellenistic periods, particularly the last. Some historical conclusions are drawn.

One of Professor Myres's outstanding activities within the present decade has been in the re-founding of the old tradition of International Congresses in prehistoric archaeology and in anthropology. Prehistorians of many lands have cause to be grateful for the facilities thus afforded them for getting to know one another better, and for the interchange of facts and ideas, and never more so than when the subject has been one to which Professor Myres himself has contributed. Those subjects are notoriously many, but from the International Congress of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences held at Oslo in 1936—the second of the new series—I recall with especial vividness his contribution, following those of Professors Childe and Menghin, to the discussion on the paper read by Mr. R. W. Hutchinson on Aegean Battle-axes. And it is a great pleasure to be able to turn to my notes—such as they were—of what he said that morning, as a startingpoint for my brief tribute in this volume to the inspiration of his manysided genius.

The terracottas, which were recovered during the spring of 1899 from the site of Naukratis, are both more numerous and more important than those obtained during the two previous campaigns. They number nearly four hundred, the specimens ranging in date from the sixth century B.C. to the second century of our era. A number of these are of types akin to those already known at Naukratis, and are present in such quantity as to make it possible to trace the probable development of their various peculiarities. Besides these, and thirty or forty small female heads of “Tanagra” type and other figures of comparatively late date, we have the remains of nearly a score of female heads of unusual size and beauty, which are to be ascribed chiefly to the fifth and fourth centuries B.C.