² Schilardi, D. U. and Katsonopoulou, D. (eds), Paria Lithos. Parian Quarries, Marble and Workshops of Sculpture: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Archaeology of Paros and the Cyclades, Paros, 2–5 October 1997 (Athens, 2000), 19Google Scholar, argue for the significance of Parian marble and marble quarries, while ancient inscriptions referring to Paros, describe the capital or Asty as the ‘λαμπροτάτην των Παρίων πóλιν’ (IG xii 5. 269, 292Google Scholar) or ‘splendid city of Paros’ because of its numerous fine marble buildings.

³ In order to avoid any possible confusions, I am giving here more precise dates regarding the general terms used to refer to the period from the c.4th century A.D. onwards. The ‘Late Roman’ times here belong to the period from c. early 4th to mid-7th cents. The so-called Dark Ages or the transitional ‘Early Byzantine’ period is dated from c. mid-7th to late 9th cents. The age of recovery or ‘Middle Byzantine’ period covers the years from c. 10th to early 13th cents. The ‘Late Medieval’ or ‘Late Byzantine’ times are here referred to as Venetian and cover the period of Venetian rule on the Cyclades islands (c.AD 1207–1537).

⁴ Jewell, H. and Hasluck, W., The Church of Our Lady of the Hundred Gates (Panagia Hekatontapyliane) in Paros (London, 1920)Google Scholar; Korres, G. N., Η Εκατονταπυλιανἡ της Πἁρου(Athens, 1954)Google Scholar; Orlandos, A. K., ‘ Η πρόσφατος αναστήλωσις της Καταπολιανής της Πάρου, πορίσματα ερευνών και νέα ευρήματα’, Επετηρίς Εταιρείας Κυκλαδικών Μελετών, 5 (1965–1966), 9–52Google Scholar; Orlandos, A. K., ‘Αδημοσίευτοι επιγραφαί ευρεθείσαι κατά την αναστήλωσιν της Καταπολιανής Πάρου(1975)Αρχαιολογικἁ Χρονικἁ, 1–6Google Scholar; Drossoyanni, Ph. A., ‘More about the pilgrimage of Katapoliane on Paros’, Akten des XII. Internationalen Kongresses für Christliche Archäologie, Bonn 22–28/1991 (Münster, 1995), 727–33Google Scholar; Kralidis, A. (ed.), Η Εκατονταπυλιανή και η Χριστιανική Πάρος: Πρακτικά Επιστημονικού Συμποσίου15–19/9/1996 (Paros, 1998)Google Scholar.

⁵ Mitsani, A., ‘Observations on the origins of marbles used in the Katapoliani Church of Paros’, in Schilardi, and Katsonopoulou, (n. 2), 279–84Google Scholar.

⁶ Orlandos, A. K., ‘Ανασκαφή της Παλαιοχριστιανικής βασιλικής Τριὼν Εκκλησιὼν Πάρου’, Πρακτικά Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείασ(1961), 184–90Google Scholar; id., ‘Ανασκαφή βασιλικής Τριών Εκκλησιών Πάρον’,Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον, 18 (1963), Χρονικά, 298–301.

⁷ The excavation was carried out by Eirini Varoucha-Christodoulopoulou; Orlandos, A. K., ‘Οι μεταβυζαντινοί ναοί της Πἁρον’, Αρχείον των Βυζαντινών Μνημείων της Ελλάδοσ, 9 (1961), 113Google Scholar n. 3.

⁸ Current numismatic research in the Cyclades has shown that life seems to have continued during the 8th and 9th centuries on the islands of Naxos (kastro Apalirou, Aplomata and Grotta), Siphnos (Pothitos), Thera (Perissa, Mesa Vouno), Delos, Amorgos (Markiani) and Polyaigos, in contrast to theories about life disruption in Mainland Greece during the so-called Dark Ages. Cf. Penna, V., ‘Νομισματικές νύξεις για τη ζωή στις Κυκλάδεζ κατά τουζ 8ο και 9ο αιώνεζ’, in Kountoura-Galake, E. (ed.), The Dark Centuries of Byzantium, 7^th–9^th c. (Athens, 2001), 399–410Google Scholar.

⁹ Drossoyanni, Ph. A., ‘More about the pilgrimage of Katapoliane on Paros’, Akten des XII. Internationalen Kongresses für Christliche Archäologie, Bonn 22–28/1991 (Münster, 1995), 727–33Google Scholar.

¹⁰ + ΘΚΕR…ΕΙΤΩCΩΔΟΥΛ… + ΚΩΝ-CΤΑΝΤΙΝ-…ΙCKOΠ-.ΑΡΟΥ; Konstantopoulos, K. M., Βυζαντινά Μολυβδόβουλλα τοα εν Αθήναιζ Εθνικού Νομισματικού Μουσείου (Athens, 1917), 31Google Scholar.

¹¹ Pennas, Ch., Μελέτη Μεσοβυζαντινήζ Γλυπτικήσ, ΝἁξοσΠἁρος(Athens, 2000), 10–12Google Scholar.

¹² Mosser, S. Mc A., A Bibliography of Byzantine Coin Hoards (New York, 1935), 57Google Scholar in Kazhdan, A. P. et al. (eds), The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium (Oxford, 1991), 1591Google Scholar; Varoucha-Christodoulopoulou, E., Αρχαιολογικὁν Δελτίον, 14 (1935), 78–83Google Scholar.

¹³ This discovery was made during the course of preservation-work on the mosaic-pavement of the baptistery; Pennas, Ch., Σπουδή για τη Βυζαντινή Σίφνο, 4οσΙ2ος αι. (Athens, 2002), 11Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Drossoyanni, Ph. A., ‘Παλαιοχριστιανικές Τοιχογραφίες στην Εκατονταπυλιανή της Πάρου’, in Kralidis, (n. 4), 55–84Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Dimitrokallis, G., ‘Ο εις τα Πρωτὁρια Πἁρου Βυζαντινὁς ναϊσκος’, Επετηρίς Εταιρείας Κυκλαδικὡν Μελετὡν, 7 (1969–1970), 287–304Google Scholar; Zias, N., ‘Εργασίαι εις τοιχογραφημἑνους ναοὑς των Κυκλἁδων’, Αρχαιολογικἁ Ανἁλεκτα εξ̕ Αθηνὡν, 3 (1970), 223–6Google Scholar; id., ‘Βυζαντινἁ και νεὡτερα μνημεία νἡσων Αιγαἱου’, Αρχαιολογικὁν Δελτίον, 26, Χρονικἁ (1971), 483–4; Lazaridis, P., ‘Βυζαντινἁ και μεσαιωνικἁ μνημεία νἡσων Αιγαίου’, Αρχαιολογικὁν Δελτίον, 23, Χρονικἁ (1968), 396Google Scholar; Dimitrokallis, G., ‘Οι Βυζαντινοί ναοί της Πἁρου’, in Kralidis, (n. 4), 193–203Google Scholar; Mitsani, A., The Collection of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Works of Art in Naousa, Paros (Athens, 1999), 9Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Katsonopoulou, D., ‘A marble head from Naoussa of Paros’, in Schilardi, and Katsonopoulou, (n. 2), 215–8Google Scholar.

¹⁷ The concentration of dated surface ceramics (100 metres radius around the church) indicates that a small village community occupied Pretoria during the (c. 11th-) c.12th and 13th (-14th?) centuries. More of these small Middle Byzantine sites were identified across Paros, during the course of the extensive surface survey I carried out in selected areas of the island in collaboration with the 2nd Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities and its director Ch. Pennas (in 2001–2002). This hamlet at Pretoria was probably replaced by the defended settlement of Naoussa, later in the c.13th-14th centuries, after the coming of the Venetians in c.AD 1207. A metal Middle Byzantine cross with splayed ends and pommels, now kept in the ‘Collection of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Works of Art’ in Naoussa, was also found at Pretoria. Cf. Mitsani (n. 15), 24–5.

¹⁸ Dimitrokallis, G., ‘Τυπολογικἡ και μορφολογικἡ θεὡρηση της Μεταβυζαντινἡς Ναοδομίας των Κυκλἁδων’, Εκκλησίες στην Ελλἁδα μετἁ την ῾Αλωση, 4 (Athens, 1993), 208Google Scholar n. 105; id., ‘Οι Βυζαντινοί ναοί της Πἁρου’, in Kralidis (n. 4), 193–203.

¹⁹ Dimitrokallis, G., ‘Ο Βυζαντιὁς ναὁς Ευαγγελίστριας εις Επισκοπιανἁ Πἁρου’, Επετηρίς Εταιρείας Κυκλαδικὡν Μελετὡν, 7 (1968), 642–71Google Scholar; id., ‘Οι Βυζαντινοί ναοί της Πἁρου’, in Kralidis (n. 4), 193–203. Dimitrokallis argues for a c. 13th–14th cent, date for the church of Evangelistria in Paros, on the basis of ‘similarities’ between that and the church of Panagia at Archatos in Naxos. However, the church of Panagia at Archatos is a twin-church of peculiar plan, while its two-layer frescoes have been only cursorily examined, despite the existence of an inscription bearing the date 1285. Publications on the church of Evangelistria have mentioned remains of Byzantine frescoes of unspecified date.

²⁰ By the late 10th century the Churches of Paros and Naxos were electing their own Bishops, since they managed to form the Metropolis of Paronaxia after disjoining from the Metropolitan of Rhodes in c. 1083; Cf. Darrouzès, J. A. A., Notitiae Episcopatuum Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, i: Géographie Ecclésiastique de l'Empire Byzantine (Paris, 1981), 127, 148–9, 369Google Scholar. Both Churches were well represented in episcopal lists, while a number of bishops of Paros and Naxos attended oecumenical councils. Athanasios I of Paros attended the Third Oecumenical Council in 431 and the Fourth in 451, Varachos also attended the Fourth Council in 451, Georgios of Naxos and Stephanos of Paros in the Sixth Council of 680; Kambanellis, I. E., Η Ιερἁ Μητρὁπολις Παροναζ̆ίας δίἁ μἑσου των Αιὡνων (Athens, 1991), 34Google Scholar. At the same time Byzantine victories over the Arabs provided greater security among insular communities. The Cyclades also joined the Byzantine fleet in naval operations in the Adriatic in c. 1107.

²¹ Cherry, J. F., Davis, J. L., and Mantzourani, E. with Hays, John, ‘Introduction to the Archaeology of Post-Roman Keos’, in Cherry, J. F., Davis, J. L., and Mantzourani, E. (eds), Landscape Archaeology as Long-Term History: Northern Keos in the Cycladic Islands from Earliest Settlement until Modern Times (Los Angeles, 1991), 351–64Google Scholar.

²² Bintliff, J. L., ‘Reconstructing the Byzantine Countryside: New Approaches from Landscape Archaeology’, in Belke, K., Hild, F., Koder, J. and Soustal, P. (eds) Byzans als Raum. Zu Methoden und Inhalten der Historischen Geographie des Östlichen Mittelmeerraumes. Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für die Tabula Imperii Byzantini 7 (Wien, 2000), 37–63Google Scholar; Mee, C. and Forbes, H. (eds), A Rough and Rocky Place. The Landscape and Settlement History of the Methana Peninsula, Greece (Liverpool, 1997)Google Scholar; Cherry, J. F., Davis, J. L., and Mantzourani, E. (eds), Landscape Archaeology as Long-Term History: Northern Keos in the Cycladic Islands from Earliest Settlement until Modem Times (Los Angeles, 1991)Google Scholar.

²³ Kazhdan, A. and Wharton-Epstein, A., Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (London, 1985)Google Scholar; Malamut, E., ‘Les îles de la mer Egée de la fin du XIe siècle à 1204’, Byzantion, 52 (1982), 310–50Google Scholar.

²⁴ Kazhdan and Wharton-Epstein (n. 23); Scranton, R. L., Medieval Architecture in the Central Area of Corinth: Corinth XVI (Princeton, 1957)Google Scholar; Thompson, H. and Wycherley, R. E., The Agora of Athens (Princeton, 1972)Google Scholar.

²⁵ A theodolite and the computer programmes of MapInfo and ArcView were employed in order to record surface remains and produce a plan of the site. The foundations of the surviving houses were measured and planned. E. Sigalos' assistance was vital for the making of the initial map of the site.

²⁶ Aliprantis, N. Ch., Ο Αγιος Αντὡνιος Μαρπἡσσης Πἁρου(Athens, 1975), 88–92Google Scholar, lists some of these fragments: 1. an Archaic marble ionic capital upside down is holding the Pulpit within the Monastic church (6th c.BC). 2. A late Archaic ionic marble capital and part of a marble column is supporting the High Altar (6/5th c.BC). 3. A marble fragment with a bilingual inscription (one on either side) in Latin and Greek was noted by Aliprantis in 1969 (and by us in 1998) outside the church (2nd or 3rd c.AD): D. POLIXENE. SORORIS I… DNI. PARI. QVI. OBIT. ISO… IANOVAPIOYTOSO TVMBO[S]…; ΡΙΑΣ … ΠΟΥΛΗSΕΝΑS AΔΕΛΦΗ ΤΟΥ [Ε]ΚΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΟΥ ΑΦΕΝΤΙ ΤΗS… ΠΑΡΙΟΝ. 4. Other marble columns and capitals located within the church and at the yard of the monks' cells.

²⁷ Legrand, E., Description des Iles de l'Archipel par Christophe Buondelmonti: Version Greque par un Anonyme (Paris, 1897), 210Google Scholar.

²⁸ Members of the Sommaripa family ruled the islands of Andros and Paros for many years during the 15th and 16th centuries. They originally descended from the Marquis de Sommerive in Languedoc; some of them had also emigrated to Verona and from there to Greece, seeking a better fortune; Paschalis, P. D., ‘Νομισματικἁ της Νἡσου ῾Ανδρου’, Διεθνημερίς Εφημερίς της Νιμισματικἡς Αρχαιολογίας, 3 (1898), 299–368Google Scholar.

²⁹ Miller, W., Η Φραγκοκρατìα στην Ελλἁδα (1204–1566) (Athens, 1997), 691Google Scholar, argues that out of a total number of 6,000 inhabitants in Paros, many were slaughtered, others were enslaved, while the most beautiful of the women were carried off to Istanbul by Barbarossa.

³⁰ Topping, P., ‘Latins on Lemnos before and after 1453’, in Bryer, A. and Lowry, H. (eds), Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman Society (Birmingham, 1986), 234Google Scholar.

³¹ Crusius, M., Turcograeciae Libri Octo (Basle, 1584)Google Scholar; Sanders, G. D. R., ‘Two kastra on Melos and their relations in the Archipelago’, in Lock, P. and Sanders, G. D. R. (eds), The Archaeology of Medieval Greece, Oxbow Monograph 59 (Oxford, 1996), 161Google Scholar n. 71.

³² Sanders (n. 31), 154–5.

³³ The last traces of medieval activity on the upper portion of Kephalos disappeared after recent restoration works at the Monastery yard in 1999 and 2000.

³⁴ Miller (n. 29), 684–5, attributes the building of the whole castle to Nicolo I, but according to the evidence provided above he must simply have added the outer defensive wall during the early period and possibly carried out restoration work in the final years of his rule.

³⁵ Εκτìσθη ο παρὡν ναὁσ/ Βαγγωλισμὁς της υπε-/ ραγìας Θεοτὁκου διἁ εξὁδου/ και κὁπου τωυ Λου-/ κἡδων, παρἁ των τρι-/ ὡν αδωλφὡν Ιωἁννου/ Δημητρìου Μη.../ γου και της αδελφἡσ/ αυτὡν Κωνσταντì-/ νας εις μνημὁσυνο-/ ν αυτὡν και των/ γονἑων αυτὡν/ αυι (=1410); Aliprantis (n. 26), 27.

³⁶ Area C was virtually destroyed, while area B was only partly disturbed in 1999 by the opening of the modern dirt road, as was the fortification wall that could be traced at the sides of the road. It should be noted that my next visit to the site in 2002 sadly revealed that the entire area B had completely vanished after the dirt road had been extended to the top of the hill.

³⁷ The northern part of this area was not surveyed because of dense low pine-tree vegetation. It was evident, though, that this area too consisted of a row of houses built against the outer defensive wall.

³⁸ Important notes referring to the catalogue of surface ceramic finds:

H. = best preserved height, W. = best preserved width, Th. = wall thickness, D. = diameter. For fabric hardness, “hard” = pottery surface can just be scratched by iron, “fairly hard” = pottery surface can be scratched by iron, “moderately soft” = pottery surface can be scratched by finger-nail. For fabric inclusions, “fine” = inclusions less than 1 mm, “medium-fine” = inclusions between 1–2 mm, “coarse” = inclusions about 2 mm. For frequency/density of inclusions, “very few” = 1% or less, “a few” = 1–2%, “some” = 2–5%, “many” = 5–10%. Fabric colours have been given a code according to the Munsel Soil Color Charts (New Windsor, 1994)Google Scholar. Colour-codes for the glazes are given according to the Pantone Color Formula Guide (New Jersey, 1999)Google Scholar.

³⁹ This was due to heavy disturbance of the area by Post-Medieval and recent building activity.

⁴⁰ Extensive survey was confined to the west and south-west of Kephalos in 1999, mainly to the west and south of the present-day settlement of Marpissa, producing a number of tiny dispersed sites dated from the late 13th to the 16th centuries. A second archaeological fieldwork season was carried out in 2001–2002 by myself to the north and north-west of Kephalos, this time as an employee of the 2nd Ephorate of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Antiquities, in collaboration with its director, Ch. Pennas. The aim was the recording of spolia, monuments and sites of post-Roman date in three selected regions of the island.

⁴¹ For a small number of ceramic finds from some of the sites at the Valley of Choria Kephalou, Cf. Vionis, A. K., ‘Crusader’ and ‘Ottoman’ Material Life: The Archaeology of Built Environment and Domestic Material Culture in the Medieval and Post-Medieval Cyclades, Greece, c. 13th-20th AD, Leiden University Ph.D. thesis (Leiden, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁴² The church of Panagia is a barrel-vaulted singleaisled church, the eastern side of which ends in two apses; the inside of the central apse preserves a spectacular gothic pointed arch built with tufa (possibly imported from Melos) above the altar. It has been assigned a Venetian date (c.15th century); Orlandos, A. K., ‘Οι μεταβυζαντινοì ναοì της Πἁρου’, Αρχεìον των Βυζαντινὡν Μνημεìων της Ελλἁδος, 9 (1961), 137Google Scholar; Dimitrokallis, G., ‘Οι Βυζαντινοì ναοì της Πἁρου’, in Kralidis, (n. 4), 193–203Google Scholar.

⁴³ The small chapel of Prophitis Elias that occupies the summit of the hill was built in two phases. The eastern part of the church, which is barrel-vaulted and singleaisled, must have been constructed in the c. 14th or early 15th century, since the apse above its altar is identical to that of the church of Evangelismos (which preserves an inscription bearing the date c. 1410) in the kastro of Kephalos. The western part of the chapel (flat-roofed with bell-tower) at site 32 must have been added in the Late Ottoman or Early Modern period.

⁴⁴ The church of Agia Aikaterini must have been built during the Late Medieval/Venetian period (c.14th-15th cents.); it is a barrel-vaulted single-roomed chapel, while an arch built on its western portion provides extra support for the roof. This arch, together with the arch above the altar on the eastern side and a window on the western wall are built with grey and pale yellow tufa.

⁴⁵ The window on the northern wall of the north chapel and the interior of its eastern wall preserve re-used architectural sculptures-spolia from a Middle Byzantine church of the c. 11th century; Cf. Pennas (n. 11), 10–12. This twin-church was possibly constructed in two phases, the northern one being older and constructed during the Late Venetian or Early Ottoman period. The northern chapel is barrel-vaulted and single-aisled, while the southern is flat-roofed (with large slabs).

⁴⁶ The church must be dated to the 14th/15th century, being identical to Evangelismos in the kastro of Kephalos. It is a barrel-vaulted single-aisled church; its apse above the altar was built with finely-cut creamy tufa. Its roof collapsed after the catastrophic rainfall in the Cyclades in 2002 and 2003, while its northern and southern walls preserve sketches of sailboats in black pigment.

⁴⁷ The apse above the altar is built with creamy tufa. The interior walls preserve a large number of fresco paintings dated to the 13th/14th century, although there seems to have been an older layer underneath. St. George, an Archangel and a Church-Father or Saint are depicted on the northern wall; St. Demetrios and other holy figures on the south wall; Christ in the apse of the east wall and the Assumption on the vaulted roof.

⁴⁸ Cherry, Davis and Mantzourani with Hays (n. 21), 355–64.

⁴⁹ The same pattern has been noted also for other islands (e.g. Siphnos), where a number of undefended settlements-villages started to develop outside the late medieval defended centres-kastra.

⁵⁰ Harvey, A., Economic Expansion in the Byzantine Empire 900–1200 (Cambridge, 1989)Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Miller (n. 29), 325, informs us that the castle of Thebes in Boeotia, built in 1287, was demolished by its Catalan lords in 1331 before it fell into the hands of Hughes de Brienne, as it was obvious to them it would not provide any particular protection to the city; Koutelakis, Ch. M., Τἡνος, Αρχαìα και Χριοτινικἡ (Athens, 2001), 320Google Scholar.

⁵² Dr. Peter Lock having carried out an extensive survey of the Medieval towers in Boeotia, Phokis, Phthiotis and Euboea, has argued that free-standing towers were mainly designed to meet agricultural, residential as well as military purposes. These towers are seen as reflections of the Western/Frankish feudal tradition, according to which senior and minor feudal lords sought to impose their control over the rural countryside. Cf. Lock, P., ‘The Frankish Towers of Central Greece’, BSA 81 (1986), 101–23Google Scholar; id., ‘The Medieval Towers of Greece: A Problem in Chronology and Function’, in B. Arbel, B. Hamilton and D. Jacoby (eds), Latins and Greeks in the Easter Mediterranean after 1204 (London, 1989), 129–45; id., ‘The Towers of Euboea: Lombard or Venetian, Agrarian or Strategic’, in P. Lock and G. D. R. Sanders (eds), The Archaeology of Medieval Greece, Oxbow Monograph 59 (Oxford, 1996), 106–26.

⁵³ Internal fights and external threats in much of Western Europe between the 11th and 14th centuries intensified the need for fortifications. Towers and castles were also very often functioning as symbols of authority, dominating fortified or unfortified settlements in France and Italy. These were additional physical markers of the territories over which they claimed authority and jurisdiction. Cf. Duby, G., France in the Middle Ages, 987–1460 (Oxford, 1996), 57Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Pringle, D., The Red Tower: Settlement in the Plain of Sharon at the Time of the Crusaders and Mamluks, A.D. 1099–1516, British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem Monograph Series No. 1 (London, 1986), 14Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Ellenblum, R., Frankish Rural Settlement in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Cambridge, 1998), 32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁶ Many towers in the Near East were located next to rural settlements, while complexes of other structures built against such towers have been identified as courthouses, where tithes were kept. Cf. Pringle (n. 54), 20; Boas, A. J., Crusader Archaeology: The Material Culture of the Latin East (London, 1999), 61Google Scholar. Similarly, the site of Klimataria, a deserted tower site at the shores of Lake Illiki in central Greece, preserves a series of rooms arranged around a sizeable rectangular courtyard with a multi-storey tower on its western portion. Sigalos, E., Housing in Medieval and Post-Medieval Greece, BAR International Series 1291 (Oxford, 2004), 89–91Google Scholar, argues that Klimataria resembles the case of al-Bira and ar-Ram in the Levant, where a courthouse and a series of vaulted ranges were built flanking the towers, resulting in a courtyard arrangement of rooms.

⁵⁷ Wickham, C. J., ‘Historical and Topographical Notes on Early Medieval South Etruria’, Papers of the British School at Rome, XLVI (1978), 132–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id., ‘Historical and Topographical Notes on Early Medieval South Etruria: Part II’, Papers of the British School at Rome, XLVII (1979), 87.

⁵⁸ Sanders (n. 31), 159.

⁵⁹ Slot, B. J., ‘The Frankish Archipelago’, Byzantinische Forschungen, 16 (1991), 195–207Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Ibid. 199.

⁶¹ Kastro in Naxos, Millo/Zephyria in Melos and Exobourgo in Tinos.

⁶² Zerlendis, P., Γρἁμματα των τελευταìων Φρἁγκων Δουκὡν του Αιγαìυ Πελἁγους (Hermoupolis, 1924), 8Google Scholar; Wagstaff, M., ‘Post-Roman Melos’, in Renfrew, C. and Wagstaff, M. (eds), An Island Polity: The Archaeology of Exploitation on Melos (Cambridge, 1982), 68Google Scholar.

⁶³ Sanders (n. 31), 150–1, presents a minute document of the Senate, which is very possibly referring to the settlement of Millo/Zephyria (referred to as ‘Melo’, the village of Andrea Vassalo, a Melian archon or local ruler). Vassalo's village contained a tower used for the collection and safekeeping of tithes and this settlement must have grown rapidly; Buondelmonti's map indicates the site of Millo referring to it as Torre Episcopi or the ‘Bishop's Tower’. Therefore, if Vassalo built a tower (for the reasons mentioned above) and a settlement later grew around it, then this must have been the town of Millo/Zephyria.

⁶⁴ Kouroupaki, K., Sawari, E., Stathaki-Spiliopoulou, M. and Tsamtsouri, V., ‘Naxos’, in Philippides, D. (ed.), Greek Traditional Architecture, ii: Cyclades (Athens, 1988), 77–110Google Scholar; Vionis, A. K., ‘Much ado about…a red cap and a cap of velvet. In search of social and cultural identity in Medieval and Post-Medieval insular Greece’, in Hokwerda, H. (ed.), Constructions of Greek Past: Identity and Historical Consciousness from Antiquity to the Present (Groningen, 2003), 193–216Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Vionis, A. K., ‘The meaning of domestic cubic forms: Interpreting Cycladic housing and settlements of the period of foreign domination’, Pharos, 9 (2001), 111–31Google Scholar, discusses aspects of household organisation and symbolic monumental architecture during the period of Venetian and Ottoman domination in the Cyclades.

⁶⁶ Vionis (n. 41).

⁶⁷ Ellenblum (n. 55), 32.

⁶⁸ Cf. Vroom, J., ‘Medieval and Post-Medieval Pottery from a Site in Boeotia: A Case-Study Example of Post-Classical Archaeology in Greece’, BSA 93, (1998), 513–46Google Scholar; Vionis, A. K., ‘Post-Roman Pottery Unearthed: Medieval Ceramics and Pottery Research in Greece’, Medieval Ceramics, 25 (2001), 84–98Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Many scholars argue that ceramic ‘pedestal’ bowls and dishes could have been a Frankish attempt to copy more expensive metal prototypes; Papanikola-Bakirtzi, D., Medieval Glazed Ceramics from Cyprus: The Workshops of Paphos and Lapithos (Thessaloniki, 1996)Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Similar conclusions have been drawn for the typical strong survival of glazed ring-base fragments discovered during the course of field-walking surface collection at medieval sites in Boeotia, central Greece. Large communal bowls and dishes of open forms on the table probably encouraged the need for interior and highly visible ornament. Cf. Vionis (n. 41); Vroom, J., After Antiquity: Ceramics and Society in the Aegean from the 7th to the 20th Century A.C.: A Case Study from Boeotia, Central Greece, Leiden University Ph.D. thesis (Leiden, 2003)Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Koukoules, Ph., Βυζαντινὡν Βìοζ και Πολιτισμὁς, ν: Τα Γεὑματα, τα Δεìπνα και τα Συμπὁσια, (Athens, 1952), 170Google Scholar. Archaeological evidence from thirteenth-century Thessaly (Larissa and Tyrnavos) suggests that washing hands was done by using two ceramic utensils, a bowl or ‘chernivo’ (for holding it under one's hands while washing them), and a necked container/jug or ‘epichytis’ (where water came out of). This hands-washing equipment was called ‘chernivoxesto’; Gourgiotis, G., ‘Θεσσαλικἁ χερνιβὁξεστα και σαλτσερἁ των τελευταìων βυζαντινὡν αιὡνων’, Archaiologia, 38 (1991), 81Google Scholar.

⁷² Vionis (n. 41), 286.

⁷³ Oikonomides, N., ‘The contents of the Byzantine house from the eleventh to the fifteenth century’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 44 (1990), 212CrossRefGoogle Scholar, notes that no knives and forks are mentioned in the documents that he examined, although they are known to have existed; Koukoules (n. 71), 148.

⁷⁴ Gerstel, S. E., ‘An introduction to medieval Panakton’, in Fossey, J. M. (ed.), Boeotia Antiqua VI: Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Boeotian Antiquities (Amsterdam, 1996), 143–51Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Davidson, G. R., Corinth XII: The Minor Objects (Princeton, 1952)Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Papanikola-Bakirtzi, D. (ed.), Καθημερινἡ Ζωἡ στο Βυζἁντιο(Athens, 2002)Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Koukoules (n. 71), 148.

⁷⁸ Braudel, F., Civilisation and Capitalism, 15th–18th Century, i: The Structures of Everyday Life, the Limits of the Possible (London and New York, 1985), 205–6Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Koukoules (n. 71), 148.

⁸⁰ Cf. Black, M., ‘Medieval Britain’, in Brears, P., Black, M., Corbishley, G., Renfrew, J. and Stead, J. (eds), A Taste of History: 10,000 Years of Food in Britain (Birmingham 1993), 95–119Google Scholar; Brears, P., ‘Tudor Britain’, in Brears, P., Black, M., Corbishley, G., Renfrew, J. and Stead, J. (eds), A Taste of History: 10,000 Years of Food in Britain (Birmingham 1993), 137–59Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Changes in cooking habits (food cooked in its own juice rather than over the fire or on spits etc.) resulted in the creation of deeper bowls and dishes in 16th-century Britain after the rise of more liquid dishes, such as stews. Cf. Coutts, H., ‘The Archaeology of Food and Drink’, unpublished paper given at the Council for British Archaeology Conference (Durham University, 1996)Google Scholar.

⁸² Lock, P., The Franks in the Aegean, 1204–1500 (London, 1995), 194Google Scholar.

⁸³ Anagnostakis, I., ‘Βυζαντινὡν διατροφἡ και μαγειρεìες’, Ελληνικἡ Κουζìνα, Kathimerini weekly supplement (19/04/1998), 10–3Google Scholar; Motsias, Ch., Τì ἑτρωγαν οι Βυζαντινοì (Athens, 1998)Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Coutts (n. 81).

⁸⁵ For example, glazed pottery in the Corinth assemblage (by weight) accounts for 0.7% in the 10th and 11th centuries, 2% in the early 12th, 6% in mid-12th and 20% in mid-13th. Similarly, the proportion (by sherd count) of unglazed transport-amphorae (which accounted for some 85% until at least the 8th century) in Saraçhane dropped to some 50% of total finds in the latest deposits of the Middle Byzantine period. Cf. Sanders, G. D. R., ‘New Relative and Absolute Chronologies for 9th to 13th Century Glazed Wares at Corinth: Methodology and Social Conclusions’, in Belke, K., Hild, F., Koder, J. and Soustal, P. (eds), Byzans als Raum. Zu Methoden und Inhalten der Historischen Geographie des Östlichen Miltelmeerraumes. Veröffentlichungen der (Commission für die Tabula Imperii Byzantini 7 (Wien, 2000), 153–73Google Scholar; Hayes, J. W., Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul, ii: The Pottery (Princeton, 1992)Google Scholar. The same growing pattern continues in Late Byzantine levels, reaching its peak during the Ottoman period, when glaze is also commonly found on kitchen and storage vessels, such as the interior of cooking pots and storage jars/pithoi.

⁸⁶ MacKay, T., ‘A Group of Renaissance Pottery from Heraklion, Crete: Notes and Questions’, in Lock, and Sanders, (n. 31), 127–35Google Scholar; Vroom (n. 68), 513–46; Vionis (n. 68), 84–98.

⁸⁷ The sumptuous use of gold and silver plates at the Byzantine palace during the final decades of the Middle Byzantine period was substituted by earthenware and ceramics. The Byzantine historiographer Nicephoros Gregoras (c.1290–1360) testifies to the drastic change in appearance of the imperial table after the fall of the Latin Empire (centred in Constantinople) in the second half of the 13th century. Cf. ‘Byzantinae historiae’ libri XV, 11, CSHB III, 1830, 788, reproduced in Piltz, E., The Von Post Collection of Cypriote Late Byzantine Glazed Pottery (Jonsered, 1996), 6Google Scholar.