Mesoamerican archaeologists have long realized that agricultural food storage helped support large prehispanic centers, especially in places where food production was seasonally constrained by culture and environment. Yet, past storage has rarely been identified or interpreted accurately at Mesoamerican sites – a dilemma that challenges archaeologists to improve research methods. To meet this challenge, recent ethnoarchaeological research into household maize storage behavior among traditional Puuc Maya farmers has revealed that storage is closely interrelated with daily food processing activities. This information has fostered the development of a storage model (based on houselot spatial organization, activity scheduling, and refuse disposal), providing a framework to interpret the material remains of storage-related behavior affected by diverse maize storage techniques. Excavations within modern Puuc houselots have begun to document feature, refuse, chemical, and botanical patterns that indicate storage places. Together, these storage patterns and their spatial associations in Puuc houselots contribute significant information towards building an archaeological storage method.

Textiles in ancient Mesoamerica served as a critical economic resource and symbolic display of status, wealth, and social affiliation. The economic significance of textiles can be explored, in part, by the archaeological identification and distribution of production tools: spinning and weaving implements. In the Maya area, however, few studies have examined the organization of textile production, and systematic documentation of tool distributions is lacking. This paper reviews previous archaeological research on Maya textile production and introduces new data from the Classic-period site of Motul de San José, Guatemala. These data complement current understandings of Classic Maya household economies by stressing the relative economic autonomy of households from the state in textile production and the heterogeneity of productive strategies within and between different households. Such heterogeneity is expressed, at least in the case of Motul de San José, by more intensive or larger-scale production conducted by large, elite households than by small, commoner households. This finding implies that textile production for tribute was not a central concern among lower-status groups in this area as it was among many Postclassic- and Contact-period commoners in Mesoamerica. Rather, Classic-period Maya royal and elite individuals were able to bolster further their economic and social standings through textile production because they had easier access to resources or surplus labor found in or associated with their own households.

Recent paleoecological research indicates that the collapse of Classic Maya civilization in the southern and central Maya Lowlands coincided with the onset of prolonged and severe drought conditions around A.D. 850. The northern Maya Lowlands is an area that receives much less rainfall today and probably did so throughout most of the recent past; nevertheless, many northern lowland sites not only persisted throughout the period of the drought but actually prospered under the hegemony of Chichen Itza. This paper attempts to resolve this obvious paradox by examining the adaptive responses made by the northern Maya. The northern lowlands had a slight edge in adapting to the climate change that apparently devastated the south because it had easy access to a diversity of resources that no doubt contributed to Chichen Itza's subsistence security and the enrichment of its realm. However, massive transformations in the political and religious domains were every bit as necessary to Chichen Itza's adaptive strategy. The seeming paradox of Chichen Itza's successful adaptation to environmental adversity represents a cautionary tale about the dangers of oversimplification that are inherent in environmental deterministic thinking. Paradoxes of this kind arise when the primacy of cultural factors in adaptive processes is ignored.

Excavations beneath the Copan Acropolis provide the most complete record known for the origins and development of an Early Classic Maya royal complex (ca. a.d. 420–650). Beginning at the time of the historically identified dynastic founder, the earliest levels include the first royal compound, centered on a small talud-tablero platform, a vaulted tomb that may be that of the founder, and an adjacent tomb that may be that of the founder's wife and dynastic matriarch. The timing and development of architecture provide evidence of the founding and growth of Copan as the capital of a Classic-period polity during the reigns of the first seven kings (a.d. 426–544). By the reigns of Rulers 8–11 (a.d. 544–628), the Early Classic Acropolis covered about the same area as its final version in the Late Classic. Documentation of specific Acropolis buildings provides evidence of the external connections that reinforced the authority of Copan's Early Classic kings. Building sequences reflect the perpetuation of political power by using important locations as symbolic links to the sacred past. The Early Classic Acropolis also provides new evidence for the beginnings of palace architecture that have important implications for the origins of Maya state-level organizations. Overall, the findings from the Early Classic Copan Acropolis promise to significantly advance our understanding of the origins and development of Maya state systems.

Obsidian prismatic blades first appeared in the Pacific coast of Guatemala at the beginning of the Middle Preclassic, ca. 900 b.c., at the site of La Blanca. Blades were imported in finished form and supplemented an existing technology based on hard-hammer percussion. This indicates that by the Middle Preclassic obsidian was being traded in at least two forms: raw material and finished products. The beginnings of blade use coincide with a number of important social and political changes on the Pacific coast. Most important of these are the emergence of La Blanca as a regional center and the formation of a settlement hierarchy that includes over 50 sites. X-ray fluorescence reveals that the material used to make the blades comes from three geological sources: El Chayal, Ixtepeque, and San Martín Jilotepque. An analysis of the source frequencies through time reveals that El Chayal obsidian dominates the assemblage throughout the Conchas phase, with Ixtepeque being a minor source in all subphases. San Martín Jilotepeque obsidian is absent in the Conchas A and B subphases, but is present in Conchas C and D. This latter occurrence may signal a shift in trade relationships, but the overall pattern suggests that exchange connections established in the Early Preclassic were continued during the Middle Preclassic.

The probable E-Group assemblage was a primary focus of our investigation at the lowland Maya center of Ceibal. Tunnel excavation into Structure A-20 (the western structure of this complex) demonstrated that the Ceibal residents built the earliest version (Structure Ajaw) by carving natural marl around 950 b.c. The earliest version of the eastern platform (Structure Xa'an) was also made at the same time out of the natural marl layer. Through a series of renovations, the western structure grew into a pyramidal shape, and later versions of the eastern platform were moved further to the east. In addition, excavations revealed numerous caches, many with greenstone axes, along the center line of the E-Group assemblage. These results show that a formal ceremonial complex was established at the beginning of occupation at Ceibal, and its construction and public events held there played an important role in the creation of a new community.

Occupation of the lowlands by groups of Mayan-language speakers during the Archaic and Formative periods is poorly understood, partly because of a lack of sufficient data. This problem is exacerbated by the fact that early deposits often are discovered at the base of deep test excavations and, as such, yield a “window” to the past that is limited in terms of understanding settlement colonization, growth, and differentiation. The southern portion of the site of K'axob, which is located in northern Belize, contains substantial Middle and Late Formative period construction that is relatively accessible under Classic-period plaza surfaces. The results of seven large-scale excavations conducted in both large and small platform complexes are reported here. A suite of radiocarbon assays and ceramic analysis indicate initial construction at K'axob shortly after 800 b.c. Ceramic complexes presented here are typified by a diversity of Middle Formative pottery types (devoid of jar forms), followed by Late Formative pottery featuring a significant increase in vessel volume and local innovations in surface finish. At K'axob, Middle Formative domiciles were large and well equipped, and they featured a separate ancillary kitchen structure to the west. Around 200 b.c., settlement expanded from a nuclear Middle Formative core, and differentiation in residential construction became apparent. A significant aspect of Formative domestic architecture is the inclusion of human remains, which reveal longitudinal trends in the elaboration of mortuary ritual indicative of ancestor-linked social and economic differentiation.

Research carried out during the last three decades at the Late Postclassic city-state of Otumba, Mexico, has identified a wide variety of craft-production specializations. Data derived from excavations and surface collections made at the workshop site of one of Otumba's specialties—lapidary jewelry production—have revealed much of the process for the production of such jewelry, including ear spools, lip plugs, and beads, along with some possible secondary products, such as sequins and disks, all primarily made from obsidian. Besides the lapidary products themselves, many of the tools employed in production—made of obsidian, chert, and basalt—were found. The materials recovered enhance and expand upon the information available from colonial documentary sources, providing greater insight into this complicated and intriguing process.

Dental modification, present in 36% of the adult burial sample (N = 61) dating to the Postclassic period at Lamanai, Belize, was analyzed to determine its association with status and sex using both biological dietary indicators (stable-isotope and dental-pathology data) and archaeological indicators (grave location and architecture). There was no association between diet and modification. Males and females shared many of the same modification types, but some were sex-distinctive. The frequency of modification differed by archaeological context. For example, modification was present only in individuals buried in ceremonial structures, presumed to represent high status. Types of modification differed between Belizean sites and those from other regions. These data support the hypothesis that dental modification may have been a means of identification with a lineage, polity, ruler, or region.

In this article the significance of Teotihuacan's most sumptuous monument is studied: the Temple of Quetzalcoatl. Based on iconographie studies, together with the results of recent archaeological excavations, it is possible to deduce that the building was dedicated to the myth of the origin of time and calendric succession. The sculptures on its facades represent the Feathered Serpent at the moment of the creation. The Feathered Serpent bears the complex headdress of Cipactli, symbol of time, on his body. The archaeological materials discovered coincide with iconographie data and with this interpretation. Other monuments in Mesoamerica are also apparently consecrated in honor of this same myth and portray similar symbolism.

In 1979 I initiated a program of archaeological fieldwork in the Tuxtlas Mountains in southern Veracruz, Mexico. One of the working hypotheses guiding this research was that Matacapan, the principal archaeological site in the area, headed a political economy dominated by persons from the great central Mexican center of Teotihuacan. In this paper I present evidence characterizing the economy that Matacapan dominated during the Classic period. My conclusion is that there was significant variation in system organization through time. Findings from the Tuxtlas indicate that the Early Classic regional system was small scale and organized most likely as a bounded hierarchical economy. In contrast, a dendritic political economy developed in Middle Classic times, in which the production of ceramics and/or their contents for distribution beyond the local region was emphasized. The Late Classic system was smaller scale, with most production destined for local clienteles, but apparently it was more commercialized, resembling an interlocking central-place system in several respects.

Recent excavations in Tlailotlacan, the “Oaxaca barrio,” near the western periphery of the ancient city of Teotihuacan, revealed remains of irrigation features associated with the early history of the city. Small floodwater irrigation canals were found underneath a residential structure that had been occupied by Zapotec immigrants from Oaxaca. Radiocarbon dating, corroborated by ceramic evidence, places the earliest architecture in the Early Tlamimilolpa phase (ca. a.d. 200–300), thus providing a concrete terminal date for the hydraulic system, an advantage not enjoyed by previous canal explorations in the region. The hydraulic features consist of segments of two superimposed canal networks that, based on associated pottery, date to the Terminal Formative period (Tzacualli and Miccoatli phases), which represents the earliest well-documented date for the use of irrigation at Teotihuacan. Shortly after the canals were abandoned, control over this land passed from the original inhabitants to Zapotec immigrants. We suggest that this change in ownership and land use directly involved the Teotihuacan state and was part of a policy of maintaining control over the location of economically important “resources,” including foreign immigrants like the Zapotec, who had important trade connections.

Otumba is one of a few Late Aztec-period city-states in the Basin of Mexico whose central city or town is not obscured by post-Conquest occupation. Long-term research there began in the early 1960s, with more recent fieldwork between 1987 and 1989, and has been complemented by intensive laboratory and technical analyses that are still underway. Traditional typological analyses have been aided by neutron activation analyses providing strong evidence of economic linkages between the Otumba city-state and raw material sources, as well as evidence of tribute and market distribution channels for finished products within and outside the Otumba city-state.

The Aztec city-state of Otumba is the focus of a long-term project of archaeological investigation. Analysis of surface and excavated ceramics and obsidian-hydration dates for the capital—Otumba—indicate a dispersed Mazapan occupation, a scattered early Aztec (Aztec II) occupation, and an intense Late Aztec (Aztec III) and Early Colonial (Aztec III/IV) occupation. In the paper we incorporate recent radiocarbon dates to refine the local late Postclassic chronology. A cluster of hydration dates suggests the early (Mazapan) occupation starts ca. a.d. 900. Aztec II ceramics, which are widely distributed in surface artifact collections, may begin as early as a.d. 1200 and continue until a.d. 1400, overlapping Aztec III ceramics, which we have dated from a.d. 1350 ± 50 to 1521 and later. Otumba continued to have a substantial occupation until ca. a.d. 1600/1620 in the early seventeenth century, when most of the Aztec town was abandoned.

The expansionary strategies of Teotihuacano political leaders involved the large-scale manufacture of weaponry and the production of ceremonial items representative of a coherent suite of symbols expressing themes of warfare and sacrifice. Recent excavations at the Moon Pyramid demonstrate that such production activities were undertaken next to the monument, where obsidian was reduced into dart points and eccentrics linked to militarism and sacrificial practices in the art and archaeology of the city. These craft production activities were likely directly administered by state functionaries and formed part of the physical and ideational bases of state political authority. The finished products served as means of direct military coercion and symbolic reification of state authority, materialized through the militaristic offering complexes within the major temples of the city. This study presents a detailed technological analysis of the production activities and contextualizes their social significance by examining their symbolic manipulation in the art and sacrificial offerings of Teotihuacán.

In 1984, 29 obsidian artifacts and an unworked nodule from Tikal were attributed to source by visual means and then analyzed by X-ray fluorescence (XRF). We conclude that the considerable within-source optical variability of gray Mesoamerican obsidians makes visual sourcing unreliable at present, although a corpus of descriptions of the optical characteristics of obsidian may eventually provide a way to exclude possible sources. The XRF analysis identified two additional central Mexican sources, bringing to six the number of Mexican obsidian sources represented at Tikal; failed to provide a secure identification for the nodule; supported the succession of Guatemalan obsidian sources utilized by the Southern Lowland Maya previously proposed by Nelson; and suggested other correlations between source, artifact type, and archaeological context.

New data are presented from a settlement pattern survey of the Tepexi de Rodríguez region of southern Puebla, Mexico, and from excavations of two ceramic Workshops where Thin Orange ceramics, “Teotihuacan's most important trade ware,” were manufactured. Results of the settlement pattern survey reveal that the Tepexi de Rodríguez region, where the trade ware was made, had a flourishing civilization during the Classic period (a.d. 300–750) which enjoyed continuous, intensive contact with Teotihuacan, yet the region was apparently not under the domination of the Teotihuacan state. Data are presented on the techniques of ceramic manufacture, the contexts of pottery production, and the social and economic organization of the potters who made Thin Orange ceramics.

Investigations at Punta Canbalam on the Gulf Coast of Campeche reveal it is probably the largest of several important but underreported trading sites on the pan-Mesoamerican maritime trade route. The coastline has been unstable for the last thousand years, subjecting the site to sea level changes and repeated episodes of beach erosion and redeposition. The relatively dense scatter of temporally mixed, highly weathered sherds and other artifacts on an exceedingly narrow, modern beach indicates that it is all secondarily deposited and that its original location was offshore. An interdisciplinary team is beginning to recognize clues in its environmental and cultural contexts as to where this peripatetic site was originally located and the extent to which it depended upon exchanges of salt, petty commodities from inland, and canoe-borne exotics from afar. This predominantly Terminal Classic and Early Postclassic site likely served as a port of entry for obsidian, jade, fine-paste ceramics, and other goods for the nearby inland city of Chunchucmil. It also probably supplied the interior with marine and estuarine food and ornamental and ritual products in exchange for inland agricultural products and other items.

Esta es una síntesis de las principales características organizativas de la secuencia de explotación de la obsidiana verde del yacimiento de La Sierra de Las Navajas (Pachuca), de las culturas teotihuacana, tolteca y azteca. El uso de este vidrio volcánico se relaciona directamente con el desarrollo económico, militar, religioso y comercial de las organizaciones estatales del centro de Mesoamérica. En cada etapa cultural, identificamos los principales procesos de manufactura de instrumentos, armas y objetos religiosos en los talleres del yacimiento, así como la permanencia de los mineros, talladores y cargadores. El análisis diacrónico de la organización de la explotación y la distribución de la obsidiana verde con el desarrollo de la sociedad, nos permite detectar los cambios substanciales en la estrategía de obtención de esta importante materia prima.

Despite a long history of contributions by physical anthropologists to our understanding of the Mesoamerican past, it has only been over the past few decades that a closer relationship has developed between bioarchaeology and archaeology in the region. The next step should be the integration of bioarchaeologists in the planning as well as the execution of projects. In this review of the present status of bioarchaeology in Mesoamerica we examine its contributions to several broad topics, emphasizing its growing theoretical component and the development of new methods like isotopic analysis, and suggest some lines of inquiry for future investigations.