In recent decades the professional life of the psychiatrist has become increasingly difficult. Several reports have highlighted the problems, which lead to disenchantment, low morale, sick leave, anxiety, depression and even early retirement (Ramirez et al, 1996; Kendell & Pearce, 1997; Pattani et al, 2001). Changes in the National Health Service (NHS), the difficulties in daily practices, the climate of litigation and the culture of blame have all contributed to an atmosphere where lack of empathy and appreciation has become the norm.

Discrimination and prejudice against people with mental illnesses is ubiquitous, pernicious and wrong. The overwhelming case against such stigma has been recognised by initiatives from the UK government, the Royal College of Psychiatrists, the US Surgeon General, the World Psychiatric Association and many other organisations

The management of individuals with personality disorder is one of the most challenging and sometimes controversial areas of psychiatry. This paper describes the principles involved in identifying the clinical problems and formulating a management plan for patients with personality disorder in everyday clinical practice. It demonstrates that the principles of assessing and managing personality disorders and the clinical skills required are no different from those of treating any other chronic mental disorder.

The concept of borderline personality disorder (BPD) seems to include, almost by definition, the idea that people described by the term are difficult to help. The broad picture portrayed by the diagnostic criteria (Box 1) is likely to be familiar to most clinicians and to cause the hearts of many to sink. A core issue for those with BPD is difficulty of relationship, and this will inevitably – even especially – include clinical and therapeutic relationship. It is all too common for distress to be met with much therapeutic effort but for little to change. Indeed, there is often a nagging sense that attempts at treatment may be making matters worse. The care of people with BPD presents an important challenge to mental health services. At the individual level, the patient continues to be at risk and to suffer and the clinician feels frustrated. At the service level, substantial resources may be expended to little apparent benefit.

Alzheimer's disease is the most common cause of dementia in older people, with about half a million people affected in the UK. Its effects are devastating and far-reaching for sufferers, their carers and society in general – the Audit Commission estimated the annual cost of dementia care for 1998–1999 at £6.1 billion (Audit Commission, 2000). There is no cure and it is terminal within 3 to 7 years of diagnosis. Given an estimated doubling of dementia cases over the next 50 years (Melzer et al, 1997), the burden of care is set to increase substantially.

Cognitive linguistics is a new development in one of the basic sciences of psychiatry. It takes a novel approach to metaphor that is having an impact on philosophy and cognitive neuroscience, offering a perspective on questions about the development of language and the embodiment of mind that may have an impact on psychiatry. Likewise, our expertise in mental pathology may be required for further development in cognitive linguistics (Lakoff, 1997).

Refugees are not a recent phenomenon. Since the time of the Roman Empire there have been many examples of people fleeing persecution and seeking refuge and protection in other countries. Refugees flee war, internal unrest and persecution by their own governments because of their ethnic origin or their political, religious or social activities. Estimates of the number of refugees and displaced people worldwide range from about 23 million to about 50 million, this latter figure including those who are not officially registered. It is perhaps pertinent to realise that this number is larger than the entire population of Australia and almost the same as the number of refugees resulting from the Second World War. Refugees represent a variety of cultures, races and nations from all over the world. Summerfield (2000) claims that nearly 1% of the people in the world are refugees or displaced persons resulting from about 40 current violent conflicts.

What prior assumptions might a psychiatrist bring into the room when the patient is an asylum-seeker? First, as a member of the public he or she is likely to have a view on asylum-seeking as a sociological phenomenon – up to 5 million have sought asylum in Western Europe in the past decade – and on how ‘deserving’ the average case is. After all, two adversarially opposed constructions of asylum-seeking have predominated. Governments, and the conservative social sectors, have stressed the prevalence of ‘bogus' applications by people who are essentially economic migrants, portraying them as wily, determined and tough rather than as having suffered. On the other side are the agencies and interests who support asylum-seekers, and the liberal and radical social sectors. They portray asylum-seekers as people who had no choice but to run from their countries, innocent of any thought but to escape further persecution and the risk of death. This portrayal invokes the image of suffering and vulnerability rather than resilience and agency. The reality is the muddied, uneven terrain that lies between these two entrenched positions. Many asylum-seekers do not have stories that easily fit the definition of a political refugee in the 1951 United Nations Convention. Even those with the clearest-cut cases – such as those with a credible history of torture – usually cannot prove it; few are vulnerable in any medically attestable sense and, however much they have suffered, they continue to make choices and actively engage with their situations. All asylum-seekers are looking for a better life for themselves and their children.

In health care, the word ‘communication’ covers a wide range of interactions, including interpersonal communication, communication technology, medical education, health policy and mass communication. It takes many forms, from a brief informal talk between colleagues to formalised written documents between professionals. The essence of this verbal and written communication is the sharing of information. To make our information exchange more useful and to give it more meaning, the information communicated needs an appropriate framework. For example, the meaning of the diagnosis ‘schizophrenia’ is greatly enhanced by knowledge of the individual patient within the context (the framework) of his or her past history and family background.

Suicide may be defined as intentional self-killing, although the definition has been the subject of critical review (Fairbairn, 1995). As the determination of whether intent was present at the time of death by suicide can be difficult, coroner's inquests tend to underestimate the number of suicides. At the time of suicide, the vast majority of people are suffering from some form of mental disorder, although there may, exceptionally, be a few rational suicides. Suicide is a relatively uncommon event, but the possibility of suicide by those with mental disorders is always a potential hazard faced by health and allied professionals responsible for their care. Detention of a patient in hospital under mental health legislation is often precipitated by concern regarding risk of self-harm and/or risk of harm to others and potential for absconding and, at times, admission to a locked or secure facility is necessary. Detained patients in secure facilities include both offender patients, admitted through the courts or transferred during sentence from prison, and patients on civil orders under sections 2 or 3 of the Mental Health Act 1983. The relationship between suicidal behaviour and that which is violent or homicidal is complex but relevant to an understanding of the phenomenon of suicide in secure conditions.

The extraordinary events of 1994 in Rwanda touched the world, and the extent and brutality of the atrocities committed scarred it (Anderson, 1998). There are no simple explanations or solutions for such human tragedy. Societies are shattered by war, and societal interventions are required to heal the physical and psychological wounds. The final outcome of such interventions is, however, difficult to predict. Psychiatric involvement in Rwanda's suffering has been small and examination of the literature reveals a paucity of data. Most of the data that are available are qualitative, as that is the only way of understanding what happened. Everyone involved in Rwanda in 1994 was changed by their experiences. Rwanda was a catastrophe.

In recent years there has been much debate regarding the evaluation of treatments in medicine. The evidence-based medicine (EBM) movement has formed partly out of the realisation that clinical practice is often poorly informed by the best available evidence, and that many widely used treatments are either completely untested, or tested and proven to be ineffective or even harmful. EBM has been characterised as a stick by which policy-makers and academics beat clinicians (Williams & Garner, 2002). However, another side to EBM has been the realisation that research performed to test new treatments has often been of poor quality, or has asked the wrong questions (Hotopf et al, 1997; Thornley & Adams, 1998; Barbui & Hotopf, 2001). We have previously argued that clinicians could justifiably criticise the research establishment for failing to provide answers to relevant clinical problems of everyday practice (Hotopf et al, 1999).

Violence by and towards young people has become a major public health issue. Increased lethality, more random violence and fewer safe places largely account for the high levels of fear experienced by both children and adults. In the field of child protection and domestic violence, where traditionally the child is referred as the victim not the perpetrator, child psychiatrists are well versed, practised and skilled in the assessment of children and families. However, young people are increasingly being referred to child and adolescent mental health teams for assessment because of violent acts that they have carried out. This is reflected in heavy case-loads of children with conduct disorder who have multi-morbidity and complex need. In England and Wales, health (including mental health), social care and education services are mandated to assist youth offending teams.

The relationship between anxiety disorders and substance misuse is intimate. Here we concentrate on alcohol, although for completeness we also briefly mention other substances taken for anxiety relief or that cause anxiety.

The education of doctors shapes their professional identity: who they are and how they practise. Where does the issue of learning disability fit in? What is it and of what factors should doctors in training be aware?