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In the history of rural society in Latin America, the interplay between the large landed estate, or hacienda, and the free Indian landowning community, known as ayllu or ejido, has proven one of the most complex issues to understand. The struggle for land, labour and markets between these two seemingly competitive rural landholding institutions varied both time and space and only in a few limited areas has this interrelationship been fully analyzed.
Peru launched its history as an independent state with one of the world's briefest and most direct Declarations of Independence. In Lima, on 15 July 1821, an open town council meeting (cabildo abierto) called especially to consider the question, declared: ‘All the gentlemen present, for themselves and satisfied of the opinion of the inhabitants of the capital, said: That the general will is decided in favor of the Independence of Peru from Spanish domination, and that of whatever other foreign power…’1 People actually present in the chambers of the city council, in the corridors outside, and in the street below signed the Act there and then.
In recent years, the military institutions of societies both past and present have become an increasingly active field of study and research. Brazil, where the professional military play so commanding a role in the national life today, has received a substantial share of attention. But studies on the Brazilian, military have hitherto been principally concerned with the period since the fall of the Empire (1889). This is understandable.
The past two decades have seen considerable research on migratory problems in Latin America, particularly those problems arising from rural to urban migration and the government role in containing, regulating or directing such migration. Much less research has been directed at the less pressing, but nevertheless important, area of intra-rural migration, especially that of spontaneous migration leading to the development of new areas of colonization, and of the government role in either assisting or regulating this.
The Great Collect was a final sign of the resurgence of the conservative elite groups in 1919. By the middle of the year they had established an iron grip over the Radical government. During the government's last two and a half years there were few of the dramatic events of the past, and generally it was spared the recurrent tortuous decisions which had been the source of so much danger to it before. In its relations with foreign capital the government continued to be extremely careful, and only adopted a critical line when it was absolutely sure of local support. There were a large number of petty disputes with the railway and tramway companies over fares and tariffs, but these did not lead to any basic conflicts. In several cases the railway companies won concessions they had been struggling to achieve for years. Among them was the clarification of the question of their liabilities to municipal rates for lighting and cleaning services. A measure exempting them from these was finally passed by Congress in August 1919.
In these years the Radical government became largely what the conservatives had planned it to be in 1912 – a static pliant instrument, whose only positive attribute lay in its ability to win a certain degree of popular acceptability. In 1920 and 1921 the government largely concentrated on restoring its electoral position with the middle class groups in the federal capital by its use of patronage, and in the provinces outside by means of federal interventions.