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17216 results in Latin American government, politics and policy

Page 364 of 861

  • Rethinking Police Violence in Brazil: Unmasking the Public Secret of Race

  • Jan Hoffman French
  • Journal:
    Latin American Politics and Society / Volume 55 / Issue 4 / Winter 2013
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    02 January 2018, pp. 161-181

  • In Brazilian cities, perhaps the most disturbing criminal activity is the violence perpetrated by police officers themselves. This article is an invitation and a provocation to reconsider social scientific thinking about police violence in Brazil. Illustrated by a court decision from a Northeastern city, in which a black man won a case against the state for being falsely arrested and abused by a black police officer on the grounds of racism, this article investigates three paradoxes: Brazilians fear both crime and the police; black police beat black civilians; and government officials disavow responsibility by stigmatizing the police on racial grounds. It then proposes an alternative reading of these paradoxes that opens the possibility for rethinking police reform and argues that democratization in Brazil is deeply intertwined with the future of its darkest-skinned citizens.

  • LAP volume 52 issue 1 Cover and Front matter

  • Journal:
    Latin American Politics and Society / Volume 52 / Issue 1 / Spring 2010
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    02 January 2018, p. f1
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  • Can Anyone Stop the President? Power Asymmetries and Term Limits in Latin America, 1984–2016

  • Javier Corrales
  • Journal:
    Latin American Politics and Society / Volume 58 / Issue 2 / Summer 2016
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    02 January 2018, pp. 3-25

  • Since the late twentieth century, numerous Latin American nations have launched efforts to relax presidential term limits, often successfully. This article discusses the conditions under which countries succeed in relaxing term limits. Drawing from bargaining models and reviewing 36 cases, it makes three arguments. First, actors' preferences are fairly predictable on the basis of officeholding: presidents are the most prominent actors pushing for expansion of term limits; opposition parties lead the resistance. Second, power asymmetry, measured by presidential approval ratings, is the best predictor of success, better than ideology or share of seats in Congress. Third, the only hope for stopping popular presidents rests with ruling parties and the courts, but only when the latter are sufficiently independent.

  • Collective Remittances and Migrant-State Collaboration in Mexico and El Salvador

  • Katrina Burgess
  • Journal:
    Latin American Politics and Society / Volume 54 / Issue 4 / Winter 2012
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    02 January 2018, pp. 119-146

  • As part of an emerging research agenda on the political impact of remittances in high-migration countries, this article explores the conditions under which organized migrants are likely to engage in transnational public-private partnerships with their home governments through a comparison of Mexico and El Salvador. Both countries have well-organized migrants who have cofinanced community projects back home. But this collaboration has been more sustained, multifaceted, and negotiated in Mexico than in El Salvador. These outcomes are linked to four factors: the density and type of migrant organizations, the territorial distribution of state authority and resources, the extent and nature of diaspora outreach, and legacies of state-society relations. The article discusses how this framework might be applied to other high-migration countries and whether there is room for agency in creating more favorable conditions for migrant-state collaboration.

Page 364 of 861