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Chapter 5 examines declared support, a key mechanism by which citizens signal the trustworthiness of their vote promises and thereby fortify relational clientelism. Many Brazilians make public declarations in favor of candidates. While their reasons are multifaceted, evidence points to the role of vulnerability; for example, declarations significantly increase during droughts in rural Northeast Brazil. The chapter demonstrates a substantial link between declared support and relational clientelism. Evidence reveals widely shared perceptions that declarations affect whether citizens receive ongoing benefits. Beyond these perceptions, analyses suggest that Brazilians who declare support for victorious candidates are indeed more likely recipients of benefits during election and non-election years. Consistent with the logic of signaling elaborated in Chapter 3, qualitative and quantitative evidence suggests that declared support is indeed informative, as citizens overwhelmingly vote and hold perceptions in accordance with their declarations. By allaying politicians’ concerns about their trustworthiness, declared support enables many Brazilians to help sustain relational clientelism.
Chapter 8 concludes by providing a summary of the overall argument and discussing implications for democracy and development. It emphasizes that relational clientelism is an inferior substitute for an adequate welfare state, but it provides an informal risk-coping mechanism in countries with patchy coverage. The chapter explores why citizens’ actions to fortify ongoing exchange relationships may have important consequences for higher levels of political systems, given that the local politicians examined in this book often serve as brokers for state, provincial, and national politicians. It also discusses when citizens might shift away from sustaining relational clientelism, drawing on findings from a field experiment in which our team randomly distributed water cisterns to reduce vulnerability in Northeast Brazil.Moreover, it suggests directions for future research.First, it emphasizes the need to take more seriously the independent role of voters in the survival of clientelism. Second, it underscores the importance of studying how vulnerability, and not just poverty, affects contingent exchanges. And finally, it calls for refocused attention on ongoing exchange relationships.
In May 2016, an Argentine federal court concluded a momentous trial, convicting 15 defendants of illegal kidnappings and torture committed against over 100 victims of Operation Condor, and of asociación ilícita (‘illicit association’: conspiracy to commit a criminal offence) to perpetrate these violations. Operation Condor was the codename given to a continent-wide covert operation devised in the 1970s by South American regimes to eliminate hundreds of left-wing activists across the region. The Operation Condor verdict of 2016 broke new ground in human rights and transitional justice, for its innovative focus on transnational crimes and for holding state agents accountable for extraterritorial human rights violations. By analysing this pioneering case, the article brings the question of cross-border crimes into academic debate. As borders become more porous, scholars and practitioners can no longer afford to side-line the topic of accountability for transnational crimes.
Two environmental re-engineering projects clashed in south-eastern Puerto Rico in the early twentieth century. Between 1910 and 1914 the Puerto Rican Irrigation Service built three large dams to water canefields owned by US sugar companies. The new canals and holding ponds created ideal breeding grounds for malaria-carrying mosquitoes, and demand for fieldworkers encouraged greater numbers of Puerto Ricans to work and live near these mosquito swarms. Malaria rates soared as a result. Meanwhile, public health officials tried to control malaria, but their efforts faltered, especially when efficient irrigation was prioritised above all else. It was not until the 1940s and 1950s that health officials controlled and then eliminated malaria. In Puerto Rico, malaria rose with the commitment to irrigated canefields and remained tenacious until wartime exigencies inspired greater control efforts, DDT became available and, most importantly, manufacturing eclipsed sugar production as the island's dominant economic activity.
From the racially segregated 'Jim Crow' US South to the many electoral but hardly democratic local regimes in Argentina and other federal democracies, the political rights of citizens around the world are often curtailed by powerful subnational rulers. Hybrid Regimes within Democracies presents the first comprehensive study of democracy and authoritarianism in all the subnational units of a federation. The book focuses on Argentina, but also contains a comparative chapter that considers seven other federations including Germany, Mexico, and the United States. The in-depth and multidimensional description of subnational regimes in all Argentine provinces is complemented with an innovative explanation for the large differences between those that are democratic and those that are 'hybrid' - complex combinations of democratic and authoritarian elements. Putting forward and testing an original theory of subnational democracy, Gervasoni extends the rentier-state explanatory logic from resource rents to the more general concept of 'fiscal rents', including 'fiscal federalism rents', and from the national to the subnational level.