En base a correspondencia original es analizada la importancia que tuvo la Sociedad de Protección a los Inmigrantes Israelitas (SOPRO) para socorrer a los fugitivos judíos que llegaron de Europa a Bolivia entre mediados de 1938 e inicios de la década del 40. Después de exponer las razones que determinaron el flujo migratorio a este país y las dificultades que tuvo para prestar ayuda a la integración de los inmigrantes, se exponen cuatros dimensiones: la creación, las finalidades, los medios financieros y la estructura organizativa de la SOPRO; las formas de respaldo que ella otorgó; los mecanismos que empleó para conceder y recuperar sus créditos; las limitaciones y los éxitos de su labor. Considerando la falta de estudios respecto a la tarea que desempeñaron sociedades de amparo para facilitar la integración de inmigrantes israelitas en países latinoamericanos durante los decenios del 30 y del 40, el aporte busca enmendar esta negligencia y abrir posibilidades para estudios comparativos sobre la materia.

Jauja, rinconcito de mi valle.

Andean folk song, Juan Bolvar

The military government of General Juan Velasco Alvarado (1968-1975) coined the phrase, Campesino, el patrn no comer ms de tu pobreza! (Peasant, the patrn will feed no more on your poverty). Clearly a favorite slogan of the self-described Peruvian Revolution, this saying appeared frequently on posters and in newspaper notices. Although linked to Velasco's agrarian reform program and peasant organizations like the Confederacin Nacional Agraria (CNA), which emerged from the plan, this aphorism was said to have originated with Jos Ga-Meja, La reforma agraria en el Per (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1980). I take the agrarian reform process into consideration because of its impact on my generation, which experienced all of its effects intensely.

The relative success of the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) is a puzzle for most theories of regional integration. This is due to its having achieved remarkable progress in spite of lacking features such as significant levels of previous interdependence (demand factor) or major regional institutions (supply factor). To account for this puzzle, it has been claimed that the operation of MERCOSUR rests on presidential diplomacy. Such a mechanism is understood as the resort to direct negotiations between the national presidents whenever a crucial decision has to be made or a critical conflict solved. This article argues that presidential diplomacy—understood as political, summit diplomacy as opposed to institutionalized, professional diplomacy—is insufficient to account for the performance of MERCOSUR. Through the empirical analysis of three critical episodes, the article shows how institutional structures, shaped by the system of government of the member countries, have sustained presidential intervention and, hence, the process of regional integration.

In the 1960s, the Cuban Revolution sparked great interest in Latin America throughout the United States. Not coincidentally, the promotion and translation of literature from Latin America increased dramatically during this period. This essay explores the interplay of market and political forces in the promotion of Latin American literature in the United States through an examination of two programs funded by Rockefeller family philanthropies during the 1960s and 1970s: a translation subsidy program supported by the Rockefeller Foundation and administered by the Association of American University Presses; and the Translation Program of the Center for Inter-American Relations, which was funded by the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. I trace both programs' efforts at working the U.S. market to promote works and authors. I also study the political motivations fostering these efforts, exploring the extent to which these programs both sought to promote cross-cultural understanding and tried to further U.S. foreign policy interests.

It has often been suggested that there are two reasons for the particular vitality of the ethnohistory of colonial Mesoamerica. John Kicza eloquently articulated these reasons not long ago (1995, 240) as first, the integrity and vigor of native civilizations from pre-Conquest to modern times, and secondly, the richness and variety of relevant colonial documentation. Without taking issue with this rationale at allindeed, working from the assumption that we may take for granted these two factorsI would like to suggest that a third factor is equally pertinent; to wit, the concatenation of activity by a wide variety of scholars in such a way as to create a collective vision of method and interpretation and a constructive momentum that realizes and further develops that vision.

This study analyzes the work of Juana Manuela Gorriti, one of the most prominent women writers in nineteenth-century Argentina. It unravels the notions that structure Gorriti's ideas of literature, history, and nation and illustrates how her work established close links between memory, continuity, and the role of women in the creation of national identities in Latin America. Her short stories and autobiographical pieces are situated within their historical context and literary milieu. The Rosas dictatorship and its aftermath are examined as played out in Gorriti's fiction, in stories where violence against women, the ghostly, and popular culture became central themes through which Gorriti created myths of personal history and national identity. The essay also explores the ways in which her female characters illustrate the strategies of ordinary women for turning their social constraints into public action.