Had massive migration of mexican labor to the southwest not taken place in the twentieth century, it is probable, as Ruth Tuck observed in Not with the Fist: Mexican-Americans in a Southwest City (N.Y., 1946; 29-30), that “side-eddies” of native Spanish-speaking would have been gradually swept into the mainstream of American life, as they almost were in California by 1900. Or perhaps these Spanish-speakers would have remained a picturesque folk in such isolated areas as northern New Mexico and South Texas. But massive migration from Mexico did occur at the opening of this century, adding a new chapter to Southwestern settlement and development, a chapter that differs from the old romanticized Southwest as much as a Chicano barrio or migrant camp differs from a restored Spanish mission or a New Mexico adobe. And yet this chapter—now so important to the ethnic study movement—has been almost totally neglected by Latin Americanists both in the United States and Mexico.

Uruguay, once known as the “Switzerland of South America” for its advanced social and economic development, is a country in which it is surprisingly difficult to obtain statistical data, and quantitative demographic sources are little known and even less analyzed. Despite the fact that, at the turn of the century, Uruguay had a stable government and an advanced social system (the “welfare state” created by the administraciones batllistas), only five general population censuses had ever been taken (1852, 1860, 1908, 1963, 1975), and only the last three are reliable. However, these are not the only sources available, and it is necessary to survey other major existing demographic data, whether published or unpublished.

Una de las causas de fondo de las situaciones de extrema pobreza es la falta de empleos que permitan obtener ingresos adecuados a las necesidades mínimas. ¿Cómo pueden formularse políticas de empleo que permitan abrir oportunidades efectivas y duraderas para los grupos más pobres y que al mismo tiempo signifiquen una contribución al desarrollo nacional? En este documento se elabora un enfoque para la formulación de políticas de empleo en economías heterogéneas, es decir, economías en las que prevalecen serias rigideces estructurales, como falta de movilidad de los recursos, escasa difusión de las tecnologías, desigual distribución del ingreso y de la riqueza.

A diferencia de los enfoques ortodoxos, que suponen que a través de políticas económicas globales y uniformes se pueden corregir esas rigideces, en este estudio se recomienda una identificación de los grandes grupos y sectores sociales, de acuerdo a la forma en que se insertan en el sistema económico y a sus vinculaciones con los sectores más modernos. Las políticas tendientes a aumentar el empleo deben, en consecuencia, ser selectivas de acuerdo a las características de esos grupos. Con todo, deben estar integradas a una estrategia coherente de desarrollo a largo plazo que persiga el crecimiento con disminución de la desigualdad.

In the last several years an increasing number of political scientists have turned to Latin America as their principal area interest. Many of these academicians have been trained in the various sub-disciplines of political science and turn to Latin America as a meaningful laboratory for the study of specific political groups or processes.

The number of works concerning Mexican history is vast and continues to grow. However, research in the area is complicated by the fact that there are many older works in the field that have been forgotten; they are scattered throughout Mexico, other parts of Latin America, Europe, and the United States. These writings often were published in very small numbers, are now out of print and hard to locate, and thus their existence may escape the scholar's notice. This is unfortunate, for they sometimes contain valuable information.

Unlike other Latin American countries, the particular mode of dependent capitalist development that has occurred in Argentina has led to the emergence of a relatively large industrial bourgeoisie. Indeed, industrialists in Argentina have constituted an extremely important pressure group, in a society where the state has not been able to control the development and activities of societal organizations. Entrepreneurial organizations both of a general type, such as chambers of commerce and industry, and of a more specialized nature, such as trade associations, began to arise autonomously by the turn of the century. The events of the Perón years were particularly important in giving impetus to entrepreneurial organization. By the early 1950s, with the passage of the Law of Professional Associations of Employers, which granted them special legitimacy and importance, such entrepreneurial organizations became the most important means by which entrepreneurs attempted to influence government policy.

Peru has a durable tradition of peasant rebellion, most recently described by José Matos Mar (1967) and Oscar Cornblit (1970), which dates far back to the eighteenth century movements led by Juan Santos Atahuallpa and José Gabriel Túpac Amaru. Twentieth century guerrilla leaders have tried to identify with this tradition by echoing their predecessors' concern for the Indians' right to work their own land and to be free from exploitation. They have named their fronts for Túpac Amaru, Pumacahua, Pachacutec, and other native revolutionaries of an earlier era, and they have proposed fundamental changes in Peruvian society, notably agrarian reform, in a conscious effort to complete a struggle that has gone on for more than two centuries to secure land and dignity for campesinos.