Nearly all contemporary conflicts are driven in part by political marginalization.This political marginalization amplifies the consequences of economic and cultural marginalization. To craft a durable peace, the parties to peace negotiations often spend considerable time and effort crafting power-sharing arrangements that balance the pull of some parties for greater diffusion and devolution of political power with the pull of other parties to maintain a degree of political centralization, for the sake of efficiency and effectiveness, and to preserve their prior political privileges. This chapter explores the puzzle of whether and how to create a vertical power-sharing arrangement that leads to a durable peace. It reviews the peace processes related to conflicts in Bosnia, Colombia, Indonesia/Aceh, Iraq, Macedonia, Nepal, the Philippines/Mindanao, South Africa, Sudan, and Yemen to understand how parties have grappled with the thorny set of conundrums, including the choice of state structure; the allocation of legislative and executive powers among the levels of government; the degree of political, administrative, and/or fiscal decision-making authority to be devolved; and the timeline for implementing any agreed plan for decentralization.

The politicization of religion is the result of the competition over loyalties between the nation-state and religious groups. The state regulates the immanent and the transcendent. Allegiance to the state transcends the allegiance to God on the Chinese territory. The genealogy of this habitus is traced back to the Jesuit mission to China in the 16th century through the rise of the Communist Party and the current mode of regulation/repression of religion by the state, especially the Muslims in the Xinjiang province.

The chapter first examines the nexus between the interdisciplinary theories of interregionalism and the latest wave of global regionalism. Based on EU agreements with Singapore and Vietnam, the chapter evaluates unique rules of origin for “ASEAN cumulation” and Asian food products. Comparative rules on services commitments and non-tariff measures that are vital to banking, automotive, pharmaceutical and renewable energy industries is also analyzed. Finally, the chapter explains key “new-generation” issues on geographical indications, state-owned enterprises, investor-state arbitration and mediation mechanisms under the IPA. Moreover, it explores the nexus between the FTA and the PCA and focus on human rights and sustainable development clauses that reflect European values. Collectively, these provisions construct the new phase of EU-Asian economic agreements and energize the evolution of new interregionalism.

The genealogy of the key ideas, institutions and norms of what is religious and what is political in each national context sheds light on different types of relations between the religious and political sets of the three Bs: belief, behaving and belonging. The qualitative work on religion and politics in Syria, Turkey, India, China and Russia has revealed four arenas of politicization of religion: the belonging to the national and the belonging to the religious community line up; the association between national community and religious community is contested; national belonging supersedes religious communities; and the connection between national community and religious community is contested, as well as the actions of the state on the immanent axis. The patterns of politicization of religion for each of these cases were produced by data mining and Python programming applied to the EOS database of Georgetown University.

The Bosnian War (1992–95), fueled by complex alliances and deeply held animosity among the belligerents, bedeviled diplomatic resolution despite years of effort. In fall 1995, Operation Deliberate Force became the preeminent ingredient forcing warring factions to negotiate a settlement at the Dayton Peace Conference. Despite this success, airmen remain reluctant to claim Deliberate Force’s effectiveness because of its graduated, incremental, and restrained character. This ambivalence would have astonished earlier generations of airmen, who could only dream of such success.

The chapter provides an overview of US agreements with Asia. It first assesses the Asia polices of Presidents Obama, Trump and Biden and their key trade pacts with Asia-Pacific countries. The chapter also discusses the China challenge in the new era of President Xi Jinping and US measures that resulted in the US-China trade war. Moreover, it examines security and economic initiatives that underpin the ASEAN-US strategic partnership, as well as landmark features of the TPP and the subsequent CPTPP. Finally, the chapter proposes a two-pronged roadmap for the Biden administration to reassert US leadership in new Asian regionalism. The roadmap calls for the White House to prioritize accession to the CPTPP and to transform the TIFA to the ASEAN-US FTA, which allows for flexible participation by ASEAN countries.

This chapter explains the background and objectives of the study. A general objective is to explore the history of international commercial arbitration and divide this history into three broad waves or periods: the Age of Aspirations, the Age of Institutionalization, and the Age of Autonomy. A more specific objective is to demonstrate that the history of international commercial arbitration has witnessed a kind of pendulum movement between broad periods of renewal and anxiety. Along the way, this book challenges key aspects of one of the most successful and enduring works about the modern evolution of international commercial arbitration, Dezalay and Garth’s Dealing in Virtue, by contesting these scholars’ argument that the opposition between “grand old men” and “young technocrats” was a key force in structuring the modern field of international commercial arbitration.

In June 2014, ISIS fighters swept into Mosul, Iraq’s second-largest city, and easily defeated the Iraqi Security Forces, armed with advanced American weaponry but unready or unwilling to engage in close combat against the Salafist militants. The campaign to liberate Mosul from ISIS may be the purest expression yet of twenty-first-century warfare. It was highly politicized, ideologically charged, fought in a fractured state among civilians by a coalition of the willing, with great power involvement on all sides, exposed to the world on social media. The air war, too, represented an intensification of recent operational trends: enhanced command and control measures, universal employment of precision munitions, increased intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities, ubiquity of remotely piloted aircraft, and decreased tolerance for civilian casualties. None of these factors was new in 2016, but each of them was manifested over Mosul to a degree not previously seen.

This chapter traces the part the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) played in the development of a modern, robust, and efficient system of dispute resolution, looking at how international commercial arbitration developed from within the ICC – how it was institutionalized. The chapter is divided into two sections. The first traces the creation of the ICC dispute resolution system. It shows that some of the founders of the ICC and its Court of Arbitration were familiar with, and may have been inspired by, the arbitration rules of other organizations. Yet the ICC was also innovatory, codifying new rules and practices, as clearly reflected in the rules used to govern arbitral proceedings. This chapter refers to all fourteen versions of the ICC Rules of Arbitration – including the amendments – from 1922 to the present. The second section explores the evolution of the ICC dispute resolution system. It describes the major shifts the system underwent in the 1920s and 1930s: from conciliation to arbitration and from equity to law. These changes reflect the ICC’s increasingly important role in the administration of international disputes.

The aim of Chapter 7 is to explain the patterns identified in Chapter 6. In particular, it looks into the characteristics of the WTO and the ECT treaty regimes to explain why the EU is the optimal respondent in trade disputes, whereas Member States are exclusive respondents in investment arbitration.

For more than thirty years, a conventional mindset of applying force has clashed with the passions of the Iraqi people, complicating decisive outcomes despite US-led coalitions possessing overwhelming technological superiority in Iraq. Most studies of Operation Iraqi Freedom focus almost exclusively on the first few weeks of largely conventional

force employment, thereby missing how much this campaign has in common with other contemporary air campaigns. Air power made enormous contributions against the military “leg” of the Clausewitzian triangle over the course of thirty years with precision and stealth capabilities, but this advantage does not translate neatly into enduring strategic effect. As such, OIF should be reevaluated in a balanced manner that focuses more on the complex interactions between militaries, governments, and people and less on the overwhelming application of US kinetic force.

This chapter is divided into two sections. The first probes the origins of the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) and its Court of Arbitration, from the Atlantic City Conference (1919) to the foundation of the ICC (1920) and its Court of Arbitration (1923). The creation of the Court, a body set up to administer arbitration cases, was a clear sign that international commercial arbitration was becoming more institutionalized. The second section explores the tension between renewal and anxiety in the Age of Institutionalization. It presents the Geneva Protocol on Arbitration Clauses (1923) and the Geneva Convention on the Execution of Foreign Awards (1927) as expressions of that anxiety and the New York Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards (1958) as signaling the swing toward renewal. Along the way, this chapter hopes to demonstrate that the key “builders” of the current regime of international commercial arbitration were not the “grand old men” described by Dezalay and Garth in their seminal book Dealing in Virtue, but predominantly private business leaders and members of arbitral institutions.

In the Second Lebanon War the effectiveness of Israeli air operations at the operational level was minimal, with success limited to a subset of targets for which there was good intelligence and proved to be easy to find from the air, such as Hezbollah’s medium-range rocket launchers. However, Hezbollah’s rocket campaign against Israel, the IAF’s partial response to this challenge, and Israel’s unwillingness to end this military struggle without defeating Hezbollah developed into an attrition air campaign. In the short term it appears both Israel and Hezbollah achieved some of their political goals in the war – a mixed outcome in a war of limited political aims. Yet the cumulative damage to Hezbollah from Israeli air strikes ultimately generated significant, long-lasting effects. Although in this asymmetric conflict air power proved ineffective in stopping the war, it was effective in the long run by imposing costs that deterred further conflict.