Although the 13 United States courts of appeals are the final word on 99 percent of all federal cases, there is no detailed account of how these courts operate. How do judges decide which decisions are binding precedents and which are not? Who decides whether appeals are argued orally? What administrative structures do these courts have? The answers to these and hundreds of other questions are largely unknown, not only to lawyers and legal academics but also to many within the judiciary itself. Written and Unwritten is the first book to provide an inside look at how these courts operate. An unprecedented contribution to the field of judicial administration, the book collects the differing local rules and internal procedures of each court of appeals. In-depth interviews of the chief judges of all 13 circuits and surveys of all clerks of court reveal previously undisclosed practices and customs.

Chapter 6 narrates the 2nd Texas’ post Shiloh service record, including the bloody battle of Corinth in October 1862, which resulted in the martyred death of Colonel Rogers. Although there were questions surrounding his death, a celebratory tale of him took shape, portraying him as a martyr for the Confederate cause. After Corinth, the 2nd Texas had transformed into an elite fighting unit, but the stigma of Shiloh seemed to linger. The chapter closes with their final days in Galveston, depleted and demoralized.

The use of blood and cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) biomarkers for various neurological pathologies can augment the clinician’s ability to prognosticate disease progression as well as functional and neurological outcomes. This chapter focuses on six common neurological pathologies seen in the neurological intensive care unit: secondary brain injury after cardiac arrest, intracranial hemorrhage (ICH), acute ischemic stroke, traumatic brain injury (TBI), aneurysmal subarachnoid hemorrhage (aSAH), and post-intensive care syndrome. Very few of the biomarkers have been clinically validated, but a number of biomarkers are promising in research studies and are also discussed. However, standardization of protocols and reference ranges has not been established for most biomarkers.

Isaiah is resistance literature: The authors of this book knew the claims of different empires, and argued against them. Much of the first thirty-nine chapters of the book were written in the Assyrian period, when the Assyrian empire tried to force the elites of other Near Eastern kingdoms to accept the legitimacy of Assyrian domination. In a carefully-formulated program of subversive reading, passages in Isa 1–39 react against Assyrian claims of empire, arguing that Yhwh, rather than the king of Assyria, is the universal sovereign. “Isaiah and Empire” by Shawn Zelig Aster shows how passages in Isa 2, 10, and 37 react against Assyrian claims of empire. But just as these chapters react against Assyrian claims, so do Isa 40–45 react against the later imperial propaganda of Cyrus. These chapters claim that Yhwh, rather than the Babylonian god Marduk, sent Cyrus, and argue that Cyrus was sent to benefit Jerusalem, rather than Babylon.

Although the 13 United States courts of appeals are the final word on 99 percent of all federal cases, there is no detailed account of how these courts operate. How do judges decide which decisions are binding precedents and which are not? Who decides whether appeals are argued orally? What administrative structures do these courts have? The answers to these and hundreds of other questions are largely unknown, not only to lawyers and legal academics but also to many within the judiciary itself. Written and Unwritten is the first book to provide an inside look at how these courts operate. An unprecedented contribution to the field of judicial administration, the book collects the differing local rules and internal procedures of each court of appeals. In-depth interviews of the chief judges of all 13 circuits and surveys of all clerks of court reveal previously undisclosed practices and customs.

When Catherine Flowers in her memoir, Waste (2020), records how Lowndes County, Alabama, ‘inhabited largely by poor Black people who, like me, are descendants of slaves’, has a serious problem of waste accumulation in people's 1homes, she points to not just the present and future defined by sewage but to a certain past, a racialized history of land- and people-use. Flowers writes:

Flowers's advocacy-text-cum-memoir documents the acute distress of environmental injustice in areas populated mainly by coloured people and highlights the links between histories of transnational slavery, race, capitalism and contemporary American culture, especially government funding, policies and welfare measures. Environmental harm stems from a history of other kinds of harm suffered by the African Americans, argues Flowers.

The events in Lowndes originate elsewhere, and Flowers’ memoir is not merely an exercise in toxichorography – a portmanteau term for chorographic accounts that have toxified ecosystems and communities as their key theme – but presents us with planetary histories of environmental and social injustices, with the two forms of injustice being interlinked.

From a different context, Chen Qiufan in his novel Waste Tide (2019) giving us the backstory of Scott Brandle, a researcher for TerraGreen Recycling Co., Ltd., writes of the research group that wished to study ‘the impact of illegal logging on the environment and native tribes [in Papua New Guinea] with the goal of forcing the local government to crack down on illegal logging’ (unpaginated). This study was not, Brandle recognizes, for either environmental (the forests) or social or civic (the tribes) reasons, but to ensure that the ‘Rimbunan Hijau Group could be given a monopoly on the lumber supplies of Papua New Guinea’. Qiufan, through the thoughts of Brandle, calls the bluff when he writes: ‘[T]he so-called sustainable development was … just another name for legalized looting’ (unpaginated). Qiufan's toxichorography of Papua New Guinea reveals the toxic economy that inflects even the environmentalisms in our time where the environmental harm for the natives emerges from the calculation of environmental benefits that will accrue for the Rimbunan Hijau Group.

Chapter 5 investigates the impact of prohibitions against fighting on clerical masculinity. It examines two clerical groups: those who acted violently but wished to remain clerics and those who abandoned their religious status. Both Western and Eastern canon law forbade clerical fighting, with an important difference: the Western Church put emphasis on bloodshed; the Eastern was more concerned with the clerics’ state of mind and the avoidance of anger. This meant that, in Romanía, outside of strict prohibitions against killing, there was more of an overlap in the exercise of moderate force. The situation was different for clerics who abandoned religious life. Eastern canon law insisted on strict religious/secular distinctions through a focus on vestments, but authors of histories accepted such shifts with little comment. In Romanía, religious status – and, as a result, one’s gender – could prove to be rather fluid throughout one’s life. The chapter ends with a case study focusing on Michael Chōniatēs’ Life of Niketas, the eunuch bishop of Chonai, who fought visible and invisible enemies. His example offers a limit case for how an ecclesiastic could show his masculinity while maintaining an attitude that was considered acceptable, and even ideal, for a clerical man within religious circles.

Folk stories in Mewat narrate how, in the sixteenth century, Sahab Khan, the Mughal governor of Tijara, near the present-day Alwar district in eastern Rajasthan in north India, summoned Laldas (1540–1648 CE) to account for not practising Islam, despite being born into a Muslim family. Sahab Khan offered him meat, saying it was Muslim food that a Muslim should willingly eat. This move was intended to symbolise the saint's Muslim identity and to reintroduce him to the Islamic fold from which he had strayed. The meeting with Sahab Khan is documented in a hagiography—compiled and written in rhyming verses by a Laldas devotee called Dungarisi Sadh:

Although the Mughal officer's invitation for Laldas to consume kebab might seem like a respectful act, it was, in fact, a deliberate tactic aimed to ascertain the saint's religious standing. By depicting Laldas's religious conduct as transgressing Islamic boundaries in these hagiographic narratives, the text seeks to establish his identity as a Hindu saint. According to the verses, Sahab Khan heard reports that Laldas did not pray as a Muslim: he neither performed ablution nor invoked the name of the Prophet, despite being a member of the Meo Muslim caste and the ‘Islam’ religion. In another set of stanzas, Dungarisi Sadh goes on to narrate the doctrine taught by the saint to both Hindus and Muslims, which got him in trouble:

Writing this book has been a pleasure. The scholarly significance of it aside, I just enjoy visuals. I enjoy looking at them, thinking about them, and talking about them. And that’s not limited to my research interest in science visuals either. I like all of them.

I delight, for example, in IKEA’s visual-only assembly instructions (I’m fully aware that some people don’t). For me, I look at them, I look back at the mess lying on the floor, I see the panels I need, the screws I need, I put them together step by step, just as the visuals show. Everything feels easy, efficient, and intuitive. Just as much, I hate it when I stumble upon a bad set of visual instructions. Examples of those are plentiful. The most recent memory pertains to putting up the bagger kit on our Greenworks mower. Great, great mower really (and great bagger, too), but the instructions? Not so much. The photographs are grainy, dark, and small, so I struggled to see what’s on them and to identify the parts of importance. The angle of the photographs wasn’t quite right, so I really struggled to see what I’m supposed to do with the parts. It took a lot of trial and error, a lot of straining, and, I’m not proud to say, a fair amount of swearing.

Many ethical questions about our future with intelligent machines rest upon assumptions concerning the origins, development and ideal future of humanity and of the universe, and hence overlap considerably with many religious questions. First, could computers themselves become moral in any sense, and could different components of morality – whatever they are – be instantiated in a computer? Second, could computers enhance the moral functioning of humans? Do computers potentially have a role in narrowing the gap between moral aspiration and how morality is actually lived out? Third, if we develop machines comparable in intelligence to humans, how should we treat them? This question is especially acute for embodied robots and human-like androids. Fourthly, numerous moral issues arise as society changes such that artificial intelligence plays an increasingly significant role in making decisions, with implications for how human beings function socially and as individuals, treat each other and access resources.

This chapter further specifies and particularises the concept of competence orientation in teacher education that was first outlined and presented in Chapter 1. First and foremost, it argues that discourse competence in the English language is an overarching goal of all language teaching and learning in schools. Thus, student teachers must fully acquire discourse competence to facilitate the development of their learners’ discursive and linguistic competences. The chapter elaborates on the general concept of competence in more detail before explaining discourse competence as a meta-concept. It also provides examples of how competence orientation is concretised in can-do descriptors for student teachers and outlines a broad range of English language teaching competences that need to be developed. Finally, the chapter explains and illustrates how competence orientation in teacher education is translated into structured curricular programmes.

Field experiments have a long tradition in some areas of the social and behavioral sciences and have become increasingly popular in sociology. Field experiments are staged in "natural" research settings where individuals usually interact in everyday life and regularly complete the task under investigation. The implementation in the field is the core feature distinguishing the approach from laboratory experiments. It is also one of the major reasons why researchers use field experiments; they allow incorporating social context, investigating subjects under "natural" conditions, and collecting unobtrusive measures of behavior. However, these advantages of field experiments come at the price of reduced control. In contrast to the controlled setting of the laboratory, many factors can influence the outcome but are not under the experimenter’s control and are often hard to measure in the field. Using field experiments on the broken windows theory, the strengths and potential pitfalls of experimenting in the field are illustrated. The chapter also covers the nascent area of digital field experiments, which share key features with other types of experiments but offer exciting new ways to study social behavior by enabling the collection large-scale data with fine-grained and unobtrusive behavioral measures at relatively low variable costs.

This chapter contributes a means of teasing out the uneven spatial ordering of markets. Taking inspiration from Schatzki’s (1991, 2001) practice-based spatial ontology, we introduce a four-part scheme made up of ‘anchors’; ‘places’; ‘settings’; and ‘paths’. We ground the concepts in an empirical account of the Finnish Lapland’s emergence as the official ‘home’ of Santa Claus and the related historical constitution of a Christmas tourism market. With the future of market studies research in mind, we argue that this conceptual framework provides a way of thinking about market making as an inherently spatial process, while also supporting investigations of how markets and the concerns they help produce take shape unevenly over time and across physical space.

This chapter focuses in more detail on the role of incentives in experimental sociology. Providing the right incentives in an experiment is an important precondition for drawing valid inferences. This is a predominant view in experimental economics based on the induced-value theory assuming that monetary incentives override any other human motivation in laboratory economic experiments. A slightly less demanding assumption is that subjects can be incentivized by monetary payoffs but are also motivated by other-regarding preferences or reciprocity. On the other hand, psychologists focus on motivations that subjects bring into the laboratory as a predisposition to behavior and on the framing of the situation. Sociological research takes elements from both perspectives and emphasizes institutional, cultural, and social determinants of human behavior. An important theoretical framework for experimental work is sociological work on framing. According to sociological framing theories, subjects interpret the situation in terms of the given cues and select an action that is appropriate to the situation. The chapter discusses the implications of these three views on the design of experiments in sociology.