This article examines a 40-year policy history of efforts to redress survivors of egregious violations, such as torture, massacres, and genocides. Using oral history interviews and document analysis, it first focused on the ideas and creative advocacy that undergirded a burgeoning redress movement. By juxtaposing classic ideas with a relatively obscure statute (the Alien Tort Statute or ATS) and modern strategies, advocates won an improbable court case. Their case inspired Congress to introduce, debate, and pass the Torture Victim Protection Act, explicitly to support, affirm, and expand the ATS and the idea of universal jurisdiction, locally and globally. After advocates further developed these ideas with new court cases and NGOs, the Supreme Court began whittling the policies away, despite congressional intent, prioritizing the ideas that Congress had rejected, until the Court stripped the ATS of its universal jurisdiction power. This human rights retrenchment in the United States drove the advocates to seek new bases for human rights justice and to develop their ideas abroad where legal actions have succeeded in advancing some redress. In expounding this history, the article sheds light on four phenomena: the power and limitations of aspirational and practical ideas in constructing new pathways to justice; the role of creative advocacy to frame and amalgamate ideas toward developing paradigm-shifting policy and law; the flow and interactions between government branches and civil society with the ideas and policies, including how the courts initially led in advancing human rights redress then later reversed and truncated the pathway counter to Congressional intent.

Following inter-/transdisciplinary ideas, environmental education inherently collaborates with other subjects, including physical education. As the work with other subjects might be jeopardised by differing worldviews and paradigms, it is worth illuminating compatible and incompatible positions for inter-/transdisciplinary work. In physical education, the concept of physical literacy (PL) has recently gained considerable attention and adopts a student-centred perspective on human existence and learning. Therefore, the goal of the present narrative integrative review was to review the existing literature at the nexus between physical education and environmental education through a PL lens (five pre-defined concept assumptions). After screening for eligibility, a total of 129 articles were assigned to five different thematic categories: (a) conceptual discussion/argumentative patterns, (b) curricular discussion and international comparisons, (c) programming/intervention content, (d) teacher and enabler perspectives and (e) student outcomes/perspectives. The synthesis revealed that PL can harmonise with the educative work when respecting the disciplinary interests of both physical education and environmental education. However, few intervention studies translate the holistic PL claims into interventions. Accordingly, evaluations with teachers or students less frequently integrated holistic learning experiences in line with PL. In summary, previous research at the nexus has not yet exhausted its full inter-/transdisciplinary potential.

Artificial intelligence (AI) systems are permeating all domains of our lives. Aside from the many opportunities they raise, their deployment can also hamper individual and societal interests. To counter these risks, regulators across the globe are therefore adopting normative initiatives to govern the technology. While these mostly consist of the promulgation of ethics guidelines and non-binding recommendations, the European Union (EU) opted for binding rules instead. In Spring 2024, it adopted a landmark regulation titled the Artificial Intelligence Act. The Act entered into force on August 1, 2024, and most of its provisions become applicable after two years. Since it systematically and punctiliously regulates the use of AI across sectors rather than focusing on a specific application domain, the AI Act is heralded as the first legal instrument of its kind. Its trendsetter status in the global AI regulatory landscape, coupled with its extraterritorial scope, means the Act is likely to shape the course of AI's uptake in Europe and beyond.

Predominant climate club research emphasizes state-centric clubs that alter the incentive structure and bargaining context for climate cooperation. This focus on national governments, however, leaves climate clubs vulnerable to political turbulence afflicting individual club members. Subnational governments are an important yet often overlooked type of actor in the club literature. This article contributes to understanding the role and nature of subnational government-led clubs in transnational climate governance and lawmaking through qualitative case studies of the Western Climate Initiative and the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group. I identify the distinguishing characteristics that these clubs manifest in their membership and functions, as formalized through legal arrangements. I demonstrate that these clubs have the potential to increase structural stability, withstand political changes, and enhance the legitimacy and efficacy of climate action. They do so by functioning not only as organizations that create incentives for committing to legal norms and mechanisms for deterring free riding but also as communities of practice that generate shared understandings, resources, and norms to sustain club cooperation in pursuing a shared commitment to climate action. As such, each club applies a mix of rationalist approaches to benefit generation and constructivist approaches to community building.

Cannabis use is highly prevalent in people with schizophrenia and is related to adverse clinical outcomes, including relapse and hospitalization. However, the relationship between cannabis and suicide remains inconclusive. This study aimed to systematically review and meta-analyze the relationship between cannabis use and suicide-related outcomes in people with schizophrenia. A comprehensive search of Medline, Embase, and PsycINFO for cross-sectional, case-control, and longitudinal studies was conducted using search terms from database inception to November 2024 inclusive. Computation of odds ratios (ORs) and hazard ratios (HRs) was performed using random effects models with DerSimonian-Laird estimation. All studies were appraised for quality. We also evaluated heterogeneity, publication bias and performed sub-group analyses and meta-regression. Twenty-nine studies comprising 36 samples met eligibility criteria. Cannabis use was not associated with odds of suicide death or suicidal ideation but was associated with risks of suicide death (HR = 1.21, 95% CI = 1.04 – 1.40) and odds of attempted suicide (OR = 1.40, 95% CI = 1.16 – 1.68). While between-sample heterogeneity was moderate in analyses of attempted suicide (I2 = 39.6%, p = 0.03), there was no publication bias. Summary effects remained significant in most sub-groups, but just failed to reach significance in longitudinal studies of attempted suicide (OR = 1.40, 95% CI = 0.97 – 1.68) and studies investigating first episode samples (OR = 1.24, 95% CI = 0.99 – 1.55). Cannabis use is significantly associated with some, but not all, suicide-related outcomes in people with schizophrenia. More work is needed to examine potential mechanisms of significant relationships.

Previous accounts have suggested a potential divergence between Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang in their approaches to economic governance. This study examines the policy orientations of the two leaders concerning state–market relations, providing empirical evidence for the recent manifestation of what insiders have termed the “dispute between north and south houses” (nanbeiyuan zhi zheng) and its economic implications. By applying semi-supervised machine learning methods to textual data, this study demonstrates that Li favoured market-oriented policies, whereas Xi displayed a pronounced preference for state-centric strategies. The findings notably indicate an initial divergence in policy orientation, which was followed by a considerable convergence during Xi's second term. Our analysis further reveals that Li's market-oriented rhetoric was particularly prominent during “Mass innovation week,” indicating a campaign-style policy mobilization. Moreover, the analysis identifies that the discursive differences between the two leaders are associated with a decline in firm-level investment, suggesting that disparities in policy orientation may engender political uncertainty. This study contributes to the extant literature on the impact of leadership dynamics on economic policy, the implications of mixed signals from the central leadership and the phenomenon of campaign-style mobilization in China.

Oral argument is the most public and visible part of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision-making process. Yet what if some advocates are treated differently before the Court solely because of aspects of their identity? In this work, we leverage a causal inference framework to quantify the effect of an advocate’s gender on interruptions of advocates at both the Court-level and the justice-level. Examining nearly four decades of U.S. Supreme Court oral argument transcript data, we identify a clear and consistent gender effect that dwarfs other influences on justice interruption behavior, with female advocates interrupted more frequently than male advocates.

Machine learning’s integration into reliability analysis holds substantial potential to ensure infrastructure safety. Despite the merits of flexible tree structure and formulable expression, random forest (RF) and evolutionary polynomial regression (EPR) cannot contribute to reliability-based design due to absent uncertainty quantification (UQ), thus hampering broader applications. This study introduces quantile regression and variational inference (VI), tailored to RF and EPR for UQ, respectively, and explores their capability in identifying material indices. Specifically, quantile-based RF (QRF) quantifies uncertainty by weighting the distribution of observations in leaf nodes, while VI-based EPR (VIEPR) works by approximating the parametric posterior distribution of coefficients in polynomials. The compression index of clays is taken as an exemplar to develop models, which are compared in terms of accuracy and reliability, and also with deterministic counterparts. The results indicate that QRF outperforms VIEPR, exhibiting higher accuracy and confidence in UQ. In the regions of sparse data, predicted uncertainty becomes larger as errors increase, demonstrating the validity of UQ. The generalization ability of QRF is further verified on a new creep index database. The proposed uncertainty-incorporated modeling approaches are available under diverse preferences and possess significant prospects in broad scientific computing domains.

The increasing popularity of large language models has not only led to widespread use but has also brought various risks, including the potential for systematically spreading fake news. Consequently, the development of classification systems such as DetectGPT has become vital. These detectors are vulnerable to evasion techniques, as demonstrated in an experimental series: Systematic changes of the generative models’ temperature proofed shallow learning—detectors to be the least reliable (Experiment 1). Fine-tuning the generative model via reinforcement learning circumvented BERT-based—detectors (Experiment 2). Finally, rephrasing led to a >90% evasion of zero-shot—detectors like DetectGPT, although texts stayed highly similar to the original (Experiment 3). A comparison with existing work highlights the better performance of the presented methods. Possible implications for society and further research are discussed.

Healthcare technologies are often appraised under considerable ambiguity over the size of incremental benefits and costs, and thus how decision-makers combine unclear information to make recommendations is of considerable public interest. This paper provides a conceptual foundation for such decision-making under ambiguity, formalizing and differentiating the decision problems of a representative policy-maker reviewing the results from an economic evaluation. A primary result is that presenting information to regulators in an incremental cost-effectiveness ratio or cost-effectiveness analysis (CEA) format instead of a net monetary benefit or cost–benefit analysis (CBA) framework may induce errors in decision-making when there exists ambiguity in incremental benefits and decision-makers use well-known decision rules to combine information. Ambiguity in incremental costs or the value of the cost-effectiveness threshold does not distort decision-making under these rules. In reasonable contexts, I show that the CEA framing may result in the approval of fewer technologies relative to CBA framing. I interpret these results as predictions on how the presentation of information from economic evaluations to regulators may frame and distort recommendations. All the results extend to non-healthcare contexts.

The ad hominem appears to be the simplest fallacy form—one criticizes speakers instead of their statements or arguments. It is regularly taken to be a fallacy of irrelevance, in that who is speaking does not bear on the truth of what is said. But three puzzles attend this analysis. (1) Given that the fallacy is simple and seemingly obvious, how could it be effective in practice? (2) Are there not cases when who is speaking is relevant? How do we sort those cases from those where it is irrelevant? (3) Isn’t there another level to the ad hominem, one where we observe it, know it is a bad argumentative move, and make inferences about the argumentative circumstances and arguers in light of it? Accusing another of committing the ad hominem, on this line of thought, has broader implications about the reasoner and their reasons. This article is an attempt to tell a coherent story of the ad hominem that makes sense of these three puzzles and shows how the observed preponderance of the argument form should trouble us as reasoners.

Historians have long argued that abolitionism, as a distinct political project, never fully took root in the Ottoman Empire. While anti-slavery measures emerged from the mid-nineteenth century onwards, they are often seen as state-imposed responses to diplomatic pressure. From a state-focused perspective, abolition indeed appears to be the result of actions by the Ottoman state and international community, inevitably so, given its entanglement with the emergence and development of the Congress system in the aftermath of the Congress of Vienna. Yet a focus on individuals, organizations, and institutions also suggests a subversive, practical abolitionism concerned with everyday injustices rather than lofty ideals. This paper examines such efforts, reframing abolitionism as a political issue rather than a moral one detached from broader transformations. By situating abolitionist thought within the late Ottoman Empire’s increasingly radical politics, it challenges the conventional state-centered narrative, highlighting the diverse actors who shaped anti-slavery discourse and action.

In this article, I argue that leaders of the U.S. Department of War and U.S. Army developed the organizational form and management practices of the modern corporation, decades before the advent of the railroads. Following Mark R. Wilson’s call to “bring the military in” to organizational analysis, I show how leaders of the U.S. military developed modern management practices and organizational structures as a way of maintaining control over officers, soldiers, and workers over long distances, as they provided the organized violence necessary for domestic imperialist expansion. By the time that elite merchants and real estate interests in the Atlantic port cities of the U.S. became interested in building railroads, in the late 1820s and 1830s, the U.S. Army already evidenced the key characteristics of modern business enterprise as defined by Alfred Chandler: a multi-unit organization coordinated by a hierarchy of professional, salaried, career-oriented middle and top managers. All the characteristic coordination mechanisms of the corporation: staff and line hierarchies, divisional and departmental structure, and bureaucratic systems of information gathering, surveillance, and control, were developed by the state in the course of building a continental empire.

An idée fixe of Great Moderation economic policy was that central banks are only effective macroeconomic managers when they are segregated from electoral politics. That idea made a swift transition from radical heterodoxy to commonsensical orthodoxy during the 1980s and proved remarkably resistant to reality during the 2008 financial crisis. After almost twenty years of ‘unconventional’ monetary policy, scholars, policymakers, and politicians are justifiably searching for more credible ways to conceptualise and use the nation-state’s monetary authority. Two recent books provide vital energy for that intellectual exercise. Éric Monnet’s Balance of Power is a bold re-conceptualisation of monetary authority as a welfare-state support in liberal democracies. In addition to dissipating the illusion that central banks are simply interest-rate-setting inflation-fighters, Monnet presents a systematic argument for integrating them into a web of deliberative institutions (including public development banks and economically empowered parliaments) to bolster the legitimacy and effectiveness of monetary policy. Relatedly, Manuella Moschella’s Unexpected Revolutionaries attacks the idea that central bankers are responsive only to technocratic doctrine and private-market behaviour, showing how monetary authorities sculpt policies to bolster their reputation with political actors. Paying close reference to private-market liquidity guarantees and quantitative easing, Moschella maps the fortunes of unconventional policy in alignment with political support for financial-market backstops and exceptional economic stimulus. Both books provoke readers to jettison the anodyne generalities of central banks’ own glossy pamphlets and think afresh about the possibilities of economic policy’s new normality.

Birth cohort studies provide invaluable data on topics across the lifecourse, including health, education, socioeconomic conditions, and well-being. As a result, they are an important resource for biosocial researchers to answer numerous complex research questions. However, despite being positioned as representative of their national or regional context, cohort studies often fail to capture the experience of marginalised groups.

One such group is sexual and gender minority (or LGBTQ+) people who, until very recently, have been largely invisible in birth cohorts. This is despite huge social and attitudinal changes in the last fifty years and clear evidence of the social, political, economic, and health and well-being disparities experienced compared to heterosexual cisgender people. However, due to small numbers, opportunities for quantitative analysis are limited and result in the neglect of LGBTQ+ data even when it is captured.

This article presents a brief overview of how queer lives have (and have not) been captured by standard data collection and analysis techniques in the British birth cohort studies. Then, using a cohort born in 1970, the authors explore the possibilities of person-centred mixed-method pen portraits to improve understanding of this group’s life trajectories.

The South Asian region, including India, faces an increased prevalence of illicit drug use. Key challenges include rising opioid use, injecting drug use and spread of stimulant use from some pockets to other regions of the country. Challenges faced are poor surveillance, lack of evidence-based and structured prevention programmes, wide treatment gaps and inadequate social capital for reintegration of substance users into society. The drug control efforts in India have resulted in an improved drug offence surveillance system, increased community awareness, a growing network of drug treatment centres and resource-building measures. India has made pioneering efforts in the field of harm reduction in the South Asian region. The steps taken have the potential of applicability across other South Asian, as well as most low- and middle-income, countries around the world.