Partiendo de la discusión reciente sobre la integración económica en dos regiones periféricas, Asia y América del Sur, este artículo evalúa si existen condiciones de convergencia económica en el ámbito de los grupos denominados Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático más China, Japón y la República de Corea (ASEAN+3, por sus siglas en inglés) y el Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur), que puedan llevar a una mayor integración monetaria o financiera en ambas regiones. Por una parte, se analizan los aspectos históricos e institucionales de la construcción de los acuerdos de integración regional, destacando los elementos económicos y políticos que están favoreciendo o dificultando un mayor acercamiento económico-financiero entre los países miembros de los dos bloques regionales. Y, por otra, utilizando el referente analítico de la teoría de áreas monetarias óptimas, se estima si ambas regiones obtendrían ventajas al abandonar su autonomía en la gestión macroeconómica, especialmente en lo que se refiere a la política monetaria y cambiaria, a cambio de una adhesión a un sistema monetario coordinado internacionalmente.

Urban insurgency has been used with increasing frequency and effectiveness in many areas of the developed and less developed world during the past decade. In Latin America, this trend toward expanded urban guerrilla warfare has been most pronounced in Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina. In the three nations, revolutionary forces have rejected completely the concept of the primacy of guerrilla activities based in the countryside, a theory adapted to the Latin American environment by Cuba's Ernesto “Che” Guevara and French Marxist Régis Debray. Instead, attention has been focused on organizing and developing guerrilla and terrorist operations in such population centers as Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Montevideo, Buenos Aires, Rosario, and Córdoba. (For a discussion of factors leading to the development of urban insurgency in Latin America see “The Urban Guerrilla in Latin America: A Select Bibliography,” LARR: 9: 1).

This article analyzes the structure and the stability of Brazilian public attitudes toward foreign policy issues. It argues that Brazilian attitudes on foreign affairs are more structured and stable than has previously been believed. It asserts that deep and historical beliefs about Brazil’s role in international affairs, such as pacifism and protagonism, are responsible for creating reasonably consistent and stable public attitudes toward specific foreign policy preferences. The argument builds on the model proposed by Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley (1987) in their study on the coherence of US public opinion on foreign policy issues. The article uses survey data from two national samples undertaken in 2014 and 2019 (about 1,800 respondents each). The samples are part of the “Brazil, the Americas and the World” project, which conveys information about Brazilian public opinion on foreign policy issues.

Antes del desarrollo de las tecnologías de la información y comunicación, existían narrativas que no solo ficcionalizaban la influencia de las nuevas mediaciones, sino que se inspiraban en el lenguaje del cine para proponer una experiencia sensorial de lectura distinta. Con las tecnologías digitales, esta experimentación literaria se potencializa. La naturaleza y el lenguaje de estas tecnologías han ampliado lo que primero fue imaginado y ensayado en el formato impreso. Para establecer una continuidad entre las apariciones intermediales de la imagen en movimiento en la narrativa impresa y las posibilidades de efectuación de esa intermedialidad en la literatura digital, se examinará la influencia de la estética visual del cine en dos cuentos del uruguayo Horacio Quiroga y una novela corta del colombiano José Félix Fuenmayor. Este análisis también estudiará dos novelas digitales, Pentagonal: Incluidos tú y yo de Carlos Labbé y Lagunas de Milton Laüfer.

A partir de los modelos de corrientes múltiples (Kingdon 1995) y de diseño político y construcción social (Schneider y Ingram 1997), este artículo propone un modelo analítico que permite analizar el proceso de formulación de la política pública indígena en Chile en el gobierno de Patricio Aylwin Azócar (1990-1994) a través de sus coyunturas, actores, valores e intereses en juego. La evidencia muestra que existen elementos particulares del proceso cuando se trata de pueblos culturalmente diferenciados. Esta información se recoge a partir de la aplicación y análisis de entrevistas a veintidós actores claves del proceso junto con revisión y análisis de prensa y documentos oficiales. El artículo identifica, describe y explica las características que definen la política indígena para el caso chileno.

Municipalities in nineteenth-century Brazil bore the responsibility for providing public services that enhanced economic exchange, particularly physical infrastructure that facilitated the circulation of goods and services. Therefore, the question of whether the resources to pay for these services were abundant or scarce matters greatly to our understanding of Brazil’s history of economic development and socioeconomic inequality. Although ex ante budgets regularly predicted financial abundance, ex post financial statements repeatedly reported chronic deficits and financial instability. In the face of unanticipated revenue shortfalls, municipalities cut investments in essential public infrastructure, thereby dampening domestic economic exchange and perpetuating municipal poverty.

This essay reviews the following works:

Rivalry and Alliance Politics in Cold War Latin America. By Christopher Darnton. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 285. $44.95 paper. ISBN: 9781421413617.

Neither Peace nor Freedom: The Cultural Cold War in Latin America. By Patrick Iber. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015. Pp. 1 + 327. $39.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780674286047.

Mexico’s Cold War: Cuba, the United States, and the Legacy of the Mexican Revolution. By Renata Keller. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. xix + 274. $103.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781107079588.

Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations between Washington and Havana. By William M. LeoGrande and Peter Kornbluh. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014. Pp. xiv + 524. $25.00 paper. ISBN: 9781469617633.

Reagan and Pinochet: The Struggle over U.S. Policy toward Chile. By Morris Morley and Chris McGillion. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. xiii + 338. $35.99 paper. ISBN: 9781107458093.

La identificación partidista es importante para explicar las actitudes, opiniones y el comportamiento político de los individuos en muchos contextos. Sin embargo, poca atención se ha puesto a su contraparte, la independencia partidista. En América Latina, los votantes independientes son el 62 por ciento del electorado. Pero ¿quiénes son los votantes independientes en América Latina? ¿cuáles son sus actitudes y comportamiento político? y ¿qué factores inciden en su decisión de voto? Usando datos del Barómetro de las Américas, se distinguen dos tipos de votantes independientes a partir de sus niveles de movilidad cognitiva: apolíticos y apartidistas. Los resultados muestran que los apartidistas se comportan de manera más similar a los partidistas que a los apolíticos en América Latina. Los apartidistas poseen niveles más altos de participación electoral y no electoral, se exponen más a las noticias en medios de comunicación, usan más internet y tienen un mayor conocimiento político que los apolíticos. Además, son más propensos que los apolíticos a utilizar la evaluación del desempeño del gobierno como factor en su decisión de voto.

This study explores the evolution of individual attitudes toward homosexuality in Chile during the period 1998–2018. Based on microdata from the International Social Survey Programme, it finds evidence of a significant rise in the share of people accepting homosexual relationships, from 5.4 percent to 38.5 percent of the population. Observable individual-level socioeconomic characteristics are responsible for only 3.6 percentage points of this shift. In particular, the increase in educational attainment and generational replacement help to explain this trend and account for an increase of 2.6 percentage points (roughly 45 percent of the initial level of acceptance). Nevertheless, the bulk of this shift is due to structural changes in Chilean society, which may have increased acceptance across all the demographic subgroups considered in the analysis.

Sumak kawsay, a vision of good living originating in the thought of indigenous intellectuals, has attracted many commentators since its incorporation into Ecuador’s 2008 constitution. But it remains unclear in much of the secondary literature how the discourse of sumak kawsay and its Spanish derivative buen vivir relate to the day-to-day experiences of indigenous people. We address this lack of clarity through a three-part exploration of Kichwa perspectives on the good life. First, we describe how day-to-day discussions are more likely to revolve around the actually existing life of struggle. Then we analyze an artistic genre that illustrates how decolonized indigenous lives might look. Finally, we examine how the decolonial political philosophy of sumak kawsay has emerged out of concerted collective efforts to overcome the life of struggle. We consider how these three instances of discourse relate to a long Andean history of looking to the past for an alternative to the hardships of the present, and conclude with a call to take indigenous perspectives more fully into account when concepts such as sumak kawsay are invoked by nonindigenous actors.

In the last several years an increasing number of political scientists have turned to Latin America as their principal area interest. Many of these academicians have been trained in the various sub-disciplines of political science and turn to Latin America as a meaningful laboratory for the study of specific political groups or processes.

This article studies the legacy of local dynamics of the War of Independence in local state building in Mexico. The analysis shows that municipalities where local militias were organized have a higher number of public servants and a larger budget per capita in the early 1900s than municipalities with an insurgent legacy, relative to those with no conflict. The results hold when restricting the sample to neighbors and controlling for geographic and economic factors. Historical evidence supports existing theories of intra-elite conflict while highlighting the role of local fiscal councils in municipalities with a legacy of local militias. Decentralization during and after the war strengthened local elites, while the negotiated war termination added a political-elite layer of insurgent leaders, born in conflict with colonial-era economic elites. These findings suggest that the local dynamics of civil warfare can have long-lasting effects on state building, boosting local state capacity in some regions and not in others.