In this paper, the imperial Inka ceramic assemblage is examined in terms of its functional and culinary significance. Information culled from ethnohistoric sources, archaeological reports, and ethnographic studies is used to draw functional inferences about Inka vessel forms and to outline the features of an imperial “haute cuisine.” In the Inka empire, the relationship between rulers and subjects was largely mediated through the prestation of food and drink. The elaboration of a distinctive state vessel assemblage suggests a conscious strategy aimed at creating material symbols of class difference in the context of state-sponsored feasting events. An empire-wide analysis of the distribution of Inka vessels indicates the particular importance of the tallnecked jar form (aríbalo) to state strategies in the provinces. Analyzing Inka pottery as culinary equipment highlights the links among food, politics, and gender in the processes of state formation. Such an approach also illuminates the important role of women in the negotiation and consolidation of Inka state power.

Este trabajo discute las estrategias vinculadas al aprovechamiento de animales durante dos ocupaciones del sitio San Francisco Inca (puna transicional de Chaschuil, Catamarca, Argentina): una incaica (ca. siglos catorce y quince dC) y otra preincaica (ca. siglos diez a trece dC). Los grupos agropastoriles preincaicos que ocuparon estacionalmente el sitio desarrollaron una estrategia de diversificación, intensificación y almacenamiento de los recursos de origen animal para hacer frente a la impredecibilidad puneña y al contexto regional de restricción ambiental. Esta incluyó la caza de vicuñas, la tendencia a evitar el sacrificio de llamas durante dicha ocupación, el procesamiento relativamente intensivo de partes de bajo retorno de los camélidos, el secado de elementos del esqueleto axial y, posiblemente, el consumo diferido de la médula ósea de los metapodios. Durante la ocupación incaica, el Estado organizó festines para legitimar su presencia en la región y sirvió comidas basadas fundamentalmente en los recursos brindados por animales silvestres capturados localmente (vicuñas y, en menor proporción, roedores, aves y guanacos). Además, se plantea la posibilidad de que en dichos eventos festivos se hayan realizado sacrificios de llamas y producido carne seca para su consumo diferido en otros pisos altitudinales o para el intercambio.

This paper explores the diverse human practices related to the use of animals during the Inca occupation of west Tinogasta (Catamarca, Argentina). We argue that the Inca state sponsored festivities in the San Francisco site (transitional puna of Chaschuil), where wild animal meat, mainly meat and bone marrow of adult vicuñas, was shared and consumed. These wild camelids were captured during the chaku, a collective hunting regulated by social and cultural mechanisms. Llamas were used as beasts of burden in caravans transporting ceramic vessels (aríbalos and aribaloides) from the pottery production center of Batungasta to San Francisco. We postulate that the aríbalos and aribaloides, which were designed for alcoholic beverages, were lined with camelid bone marrow to make their inner walls impermeable. Lastly, we argue that bones of birds and rodents were used to and the skin of a puma (important symbolic animal for the Incas) was processed in the San Francisco site.

El estudio del registro arqueobotánico asociado a un individuo femenino del sitio de Quilicura 1 permitió acercarnos a entender cómo los contextos funerarios del periodo Tardío (1400-1536 dC) contribuyen a la comprensión de los procesos sociopolíticos asociados a la presencia inka en la zona central de Chile. A través de los carporrestos y microrrestos de los residuos de uso de piezas cerámicas ofrendadas, se logró determinar el uso de plantas silvestres y domesticadas en la preparación de alimentos para los difuntos. Estas comidas y preparaciones tipo chicha, además de la presencia de un conjunto de artefactos vinculados a su preparación y consumo, habrían sido la esencia de la hospitalidad, una actividad fundamental en la integración eficiente de las poblaciones locales y, por ende, del funcionamiento del Tawantinsuyu.

As the Chimú empire (ca. A.D. 900-1470) expanded along the north coast of Peru, it employed a mix of direct and indirect strategies to administer conquered populations. In order to investigate the extent to which Chimú conquest reshaped daily life in the provinces, I explore evidence from Pedregal, a rural farming village in the Jequetepeque Valley. I use cuisine as a window onto daily life at Pedregal, in order to construct a “view from the kitchen” of Chimú expansion. Excavation data from Pedregal households indicate that production of agricultural staples such as corn and cotton intensified during the Chimú period, but that while the focus of household culinary practice shifted, the overall range of household activities remained the same. The Chimú seem to have been able to establish political control and intensify agricultural production in conquered provinces without a radical reorganization of rural domestic economies. These findings have implications not only for emerging models of Chimú imperial expansion, but also for our understanding of how household-level change and continuity are articulated with regional political and economic processes.

We investigated foodways at Real Alto, an early Formative (4400–1800 BC) Valdivia site in coastal Ecuador, using starch and phytoliths recovered from 50 stone tools from three residential and two ceremonial structures, as well as 46 human dental calculus samples, to explore how food reflects the social relationships and economy of the community. Maize was important in daily meals and ceremonial foods by the Middle Valdivia (2800–2400 BC), but it was only one component of an agricultural system that included yuca, arrowroot, llerén, canna, yam, jackbean, squash, gourd, chili, and cotton. Ceremonial and everyday foods at Real Alto did not differ: actions surrounding food were both domestic and ceremonial, depending on context. Households had equal access to annual crops and to root-tubers with longer growing seasons. Gelatinized starch was commonly recovered on tools, indicating the processing of cooked foods. Dental calculus residues confirmed common consumption of cooked foods, fruits, and root-tubers. Cultivating crops with different water and growing season requirements necessitated diverse practices, potentially including selection of short-season varieties, hand watering, and growing crops over multiple rainy seasons. The latter two practices required increased labor inputs: access to labor was likely a key element supporting the nascent social hierarchy that emerged by the Middle Valdivia.

Archaeologists have used isotope analysis (δ13C, δ15N) of the collagen of human bones, as well as knowledge of available nutrients, to infer that the diet of the ancient Maya was drawn from the resources of the Maya forest landscape. The interpretations have focused on plant carbohydrates from maize and protein dominated by white-tail deer. The δ15N values of bone collagen suggest that most of the protein requirements of the Maya could have been satisfied with a mixture of wild animal flesh and wild and cultivated plants including beans. Chaya, Cnidoscolus aconitifolius, domesticated before the Spanish conquest, has a high-protein content and the potential to have been a significant contributor to the ancient Maya diet. Chaya is easily propagated, is grown in home gardens by the Maya today, and is a significant part of the local traditional diet. Chaya's stable isotopic composition of carbon (δ13C) resembles that of other terrestrial plants, but its values for nitrogen (δ15N) are significantly higher. Consumption of chaya would result in slightly higher δ15N values in humans than expected from the consumption of terrestrial animals. Thus, chaya is situated well as a component of the complex, diverse, and varied diets of ancient Mesoamericans.

Sambaquís (concheros o shell mounds) son construcciones antrópicas que aperecen en la costa brasileña hace aproximada mente 8000 años erguidas a partir de la acumulación formal de valvas de moluscos. En el Estado de Santa Catarina, algunos sitios tienen la particularidad de presentar un depósito ictiológico superior con características estratigráficas y composicionales semejantes al depósito malacológico (conchero) subyacente. La aparición del depósito superior fue tradicionalmente asociada a cambios en la subsistencia de estos grupos, con el reemplazo del consumo de moluscos por peces. Sin embargo, análisis faunísticos indicaron que la pesca siempre fue una actividad de subsistencia predominante. Nuevas interpretaciones del fenómeno sugirieron que la substitución de valvas de molusco por huesos de pescado responde a alteraciones tardías en la funcionalidad de los sitios. En este trabajo, la micromorfología de depósitos arqueológicos fue aplicada como herramienta principal de análisis para descifrar la formación del sitio Jabuticabeira II. A partir de la combinación de estudios geoarqueológicos, microestratigráficos y arqueofaunísticos realizados en ambos depósitos, proponemos un modelo para la formación de este sambaquí como resultado de sucesivos procesos de depositación antrópicos asociados a actividades rituales. Estos procesos envolvieron la quema de materiales, acumulación y re-depositación como diferentes etapas en el ritual funerario del grupo constructor. El origen de los materiales constructivos es discutido desde un abordaje contextual a través de la valorización del papel simbólico que la depositación de residuos tuvo entre estas poblaciones.

Since the Formative times, maize is and has been a highly valued social commodity in the Andes, particularly in the form of a traditional beer called chicha. While chicha production is well attested in the archaeology and ethnohistory of Andean states, the emergence of maize symbolism in earlier societies has not been systematically addressed. In this study phytolith and starch grain analyses are used to trace production, processing, and consumption of maize at sites on the Taraco Peninsula of Bolivia and thus the entrance of maize into the region. We systematically examine the role of maize by addressing its rarity, use contexts, and preparation. The pattern of plant part representation and use suggest that maize was being consumed in the form of chicha at its earliest introduction to the Titicaca Basin (800–250 B.C.). Drinking of alcohol in ceremonial spaces embodies the process of commensality of public ceremony and the establishment of reciprocal relationships during the Formative period. These results demonstrate that contextual analysis of microbotanical remains has great potential to answer anthropological questions surrounding food, ritual, and identity.

Our approach assumes that pots are tools, containers whose performance characteristics are adjusted to their primary uses. Traditional agricultural peoples generally distinguish among multiple vessel shapes that have distinct intended uses. In this article, we present afunctional analysis of vessel shapes and sizes performed on a sample of 160 rim sherds from the site of El Chorro de Malta, Cuba. These were assigned to 13 defined vessel shapes, most of which displayed more than one size mode based on estimated orifice diameters. The majority of specimens from El Chorro de Malta are low-profile, composite-contour bowls made in medium and large size modes, followed in frequency by simple-contour bowls and plates. Late Ceramic Age peoples in the Greater Antilles are historically documented as participating in the manioc breadcake-cassareep- stewpot foodway common to much of the tropical lowlands of northern South America. Consequently, it should be possible to show how the container assemblage of El Chorro de Malta is adapted to the requirements of that foodway. We note that, ethnographically, the elaborate processing of bitter manioc itself to produce breadcakes as a staple food does not necessarily require pottery vessels at all. Nonetheless, common stewing as a key component of the foodway—including the production of the condiment called cassareep in the Guianas—can require several containers with potentially distinct performance requirements: one to collect the juice below the sleeve press, another to reduce the expressed juice to the thickened sauce over afire, and a third, the stewpot itself, adapted to simmering vegetable and meat stews. We provisionally suggest that some of the most common shape-size classes at El Chorro de Malta are suited to producing and serving stews and cassareep, the traditional complement to eating manioc breadcake.

Los festines fueron una práctica común y recurrente en los Andes Centrales durante la época prehispánica. Sin embargo, no existe un consenso sobre los criterios utilizados en la caracterización arqueológica de estos eventos. En este artículo revaluamos las evidencias del Repositorio de Ofrendas 1 de Sipán, un sitio Mochica (siglos tres y cuatro dC) ubicado en el valle de Lambayeque, a través del empleo de una variable cuantitativa llamada “peso de carne disponible”. Asociado a la tumba del Señor de Sipán, este depósito contiene centenas de ofrendas de prestigio, pero también miles de restos de fauna. El análisis de estos últimos proporciona nuevas perspectivas sobre la comida funeraria dada en homenaje a este alto dignatario después de su entierro. El uso de la variable mencionada permite evaluar la magnitud de esta comida y muestra la importancia de definir criterios metodológicos fiables para seguir investigando los festines, eventos que constituyen una de las bases de las relaciones sociales y políticas de las sociedades prehispánicas.

As dates of earliest use of Theobroma cacao in ancient Mesoamerica are established, interest is shifting to how cacao was used. One approach is to consider combinations of ingredients—the recipes for ancient cacao use. Beverages made from cacao seeds and maize have a long history in Mesoamerica. We began testing the hypothesis that there is qualitative evidence of this beverage type in the Postclassic archaeological record in a region where such a beverage, tejate, is a culturally significant food today. We looked for evidence of tejate ingredients in residue samples from eight Postclassic and one contemporary vessel from the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Detection of morphologically specific maize phytoliths was accomplished by taxonomic analysis and comparison with a reference collection. Tejate ingredients Pouteria sapota and Quararibea funebris were also processed for phytolith detection. Testing for methylxanthines characteristic of Theobroma species used high-performance liquid chromatography-mass spectrometry. Four vessels were positive for maize phytoliths; three were positive for theobromine; two were positive for both maize and cacao. No diagnostic phytoliths were identified for the other tejate ingredients. Our hypothesis was supported; still, many challenges are present in the search for a deeper understanding of ancient cacao usage in this region of Mesoamerica.

En este artículo se dan a conocer los resultados de la investigación arqueobotánica realizada en el distrito minero San José del Abra, en el norte de Chile. Esta mina, tras ser explotada inicialmente durante el período Intermedio tardío, fue incorporada posteriormente al Tawantinsuyu, produciéndose una reorganización e intensificación de la producción minera. Las excavaciones realizadas en el campamento Inkawasi-Abra permitieron recuperar una amplia diversidad de restos vegetales provenientes de distintos ecosistemas y pisos ecológicos de la región, los cuales cumplieron roles primordiales al interior del espacio habitacional. Por una parte, sustentaron la subsistencia de los mitayos atacameños, incluyendo alimentación, combustible y materias primas, y por otra, formaron parte de contextos ceremoniales y de preparación de alimentos de carácter comunal relacionados al comensalismo político, las relaciones de reciprocidad y la ritualidad minera. Gran parte de las plantas analizadas provienen de las quebradas y oasis atacameños, incluyendo productos agrícolas, chañar (Geoffroea decorticans) y algarrobo (Prosopis sp.), sumado a otras plantas silvestres y domesticadas provenientes de ambientes puneños, valles bajos y la costa pacífica. Lo anterior permite dibujar el mapa de relaciones y redes de abastecimiento de la mina durante el período incaico, así como aportar al conocimiento de los mineros que sustentaron la producción en San José del Abra.

Investigations at sites across northwestern Honduras—inside and outside the Maya area—have revealed diverse food activities and ingredients. Paralleling the evidence from durable artifact assemblages, we see transformation over time in materials and practices, as well as the movement of elements across the landscape. Botanical evidence points toward a dynamic overlap between northern and southern societies, with northwestern Honduras serving as a sort of regional crossroads. In this article, we compare cuisines from several ancient communities in northwestern Honduras, using microbotanical and macrobotanical residues. We briefly address the political and historic context of the region and provide abridged biographies of several culinary taxa. Of particular interest are milpa annual crops such as maize and squash, managed and cultivated palm species, wild and managed herbaceous species, edible fruit species, and root and tuberous crops such as lerén, sweet potato, and manioc.

En el Viejo Mundo algunos arqueobotánicos, a partir de fuentes etnográficas y etnobotánicas, desarrollaron modelos interpretativos sobre el procesamiento de cereales, pudiendo interpretar antiguas prácticas de preparación y consumo a partir de restos arqueobotánicos. En el caso del Noroeste argentino, los estudios etnobotánicos —junto a otros de corte etnohistórico o histórico— han permitido abordar el análisis de restos arqueobotánicos procurando identificar los trazos materiales de comportamientos vinculados a diversas preparaciones culinarias en las que participaron distintas plantas y partes de las mismas. El objetivo del trabajo es analizar las posibles técnicas de procesamiento de los restos del género Chenopodium recuperados del sitio de Soria 2 (Valle de Yocavil), del período Formativo, a partir de un modelo etnobotánico y experimental. Se recuperaron 23 ejemplares del género Chenopodium, los cuales pertenecen a Chenopodium sp., Chenopodium quinoa var. quinoa y C. cf. carnosulum. El 57% de los restos presentaron evidencias de procesamiento. Los restantes mostraron deterioros que, si bien permitieron identificarlos, no hicieron posible la identificación de marcas de procesamiento. La aplicación de este tipo de estudios a restos arqueobotánicos permite un acercamiento más detallado sobre las prácticas poscosecha llevadas a cabo por las sociedades en el pasado.

We present stable isotope and osteological data from human remains at Paloma, Chilca I, La Yerba III, and Morro I that offer new evidence for diet, lifestyle, and habitual mobility in the first villages that proliferated along the arid Pacific coast of South America (ca. 6000 cal BP). The data not only reaffirm the dietary primacy of marine protein for this period but also show evidence at Paloma of direct access interactions between the coast and highlands, as well as habitual mobility in some parts of society. By locating themselves at the confluence of diverse coastal and terrestrial habitats, the inhabitants of these early villages were able to broaden their use of resources through rounds of seasonal mobility, while simultaneously increasing residential sedentism. Yet they paid little substantial health penalty for their settled lifestyles, as reflected in their osteological markers of stature and stress, compared with their agriculturalist successors even up to five millennia later. Contrasting data for the north coast of Chile indicate locally contingent differences. Considering these data in a wider chronological context contributes to understanding how increasing sedentism and population density laid the foundations here for the emergence of Late Preceramic social complexity.

This article examines the use of cooking vessels from Early Postclassic (AD 900–1250) Xaltocan, Mexico, through residue analysis of ceramic sherds. The analysis combined phytolith and starch analyses with Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy. Because our understanding of prehispanic foodways in central Mexico is based largely on sources that describe or depict Aztec practices in the sixteenth century, we ask how foods were similar or different prior to the Aztecs. We also seek a better understanding of how plainware vessels were used in prehispanic times. Although there is long-term continuity in the preparation of foods such as tamales and corn gruels, we find that additional foods such as tuber-based stews were prepared in the Early Postclassic. In addition, some ceramic vessels, such as comales and crude bowls, had a wider range of food preparation functions than expected.

Early Spaniards reported that the Inka state organized public celebrations involving extravagant banquets and drinking, in addition to singing and dancing. Cieza de León and Cobo noted that large number of llamas were slaughtered for such special celebrations. Although it is understood that food was an integral part of the festivities and that the Inka state used food as a political tool, until recently the meal preparation details for such large gatherings remained unknown. Recent archaeological excavation at Tambo Viejo revealed the presence of earthen ovens, similar in fashion to contemporary pachamanka, that were used for cooking at Inka state public celebrations.