A 500-year record of changes and continuities in structures defined as ceremonial has been discovered in the Qhuna phase (5000-4400 B. P.) of Late Preceramic period Asana in the Moquegua drainage of southern Peru. These are the earliest known ceremonial structures in the south-central Andes, and their existence raises new questions about the trajectory of cultural change in the region. In its earliest construction around 4800 B. P., the ceremonial complex appears to be a “dance ground,” similar to the sometimes-enclosed spaces used by ethnographically known mobile foragers for periodic feasts and social exchanges. By 4500 B. P., however, the complex appears to be more formal in its construction, with a clear inside-outside dichotomy of feature placement and presumed activity performance. In this paper, the structural features of the ceremonial complex are described, compared to other, roughly contemporaneous expressions of ceremonial structures in the Andes, and their function interpreted.

This paper focuses on the demographic and architectural organization of a South Amerindian tropical-forest community. The household, as the most important social, economic, and behavioral unit in this society, is reflected in the strong quantitative relations between the floor areas of the various structure types and the associated number of occupants. In contrast, floor area/number of occupants relations at the nuclear-family level are quantitatively weak. Since the aboriginal household was also the most important economic and demographic social unit in the South American tropics, the present study may be used to estimate prehistoric settlement population levels using excavated data. As such, this study encourages the use of the direct-historical approach by archaeologists working in the lowlands of South America.

En este artículo presentamos nuevos datos arqueológicos que aumentan nuestro conocimiento acerca del papel del perro (Canis familiaris) en tiempos prehispánicos, principalmente en lo que se refiere a su morfología general y número de razas presentes en el centro de Mesoamérica. Una colección de 27 perros provenientes de entierros, pertenecientes a la más antigua ocupación (650-750 d. C.) de la ciudad de Tula, Hidalgo, fue estudiada y los resultados muestran la presencia de tres razas perfectamente definidas. Este hallazgo permite, por primera vez y a partir de un análisis científico, establecer la existencia de varias razas de perros mesoamericanas y definir su aspecto general. Los tipos reconocidos incluyen (1) un perro de talla media con el cuerpo cubierto de pelo, (2) otro de dimensiones similares pero sin pelo y (3) otro más pequeño, con pelo, pero con miembros 30% más cortos. Los datos se ajustan muy bien a las descripciones de Bernardino de Sahagún sobre los perros del centro de México en el siglo dieciseis d. C., así que nuestro estudio nos permite establecer la presencia de estos animales en la región central a partir del siglo siete d. C. Las tres razas incluyen el perro común mesoamericano o itzcuintli, el perro pelón xoloitzcuintli y el perrito de piso o tlalchichi. Además, el establecimiento de tres razas distintas resuelve debates en la literatura sobre el índole de los perros prehispánicos de México.

Here I can only briefly address some of the issues raised by Healan (1992) and by Hester and Shafer (1992). I conclude that although ethnoarchaeology can provide generally valid analogies to lithic production and discard in the past, experimental archaeology will be needed to understand specific details of site formation.

Debitage disposal is affected, among other factors, by site size, settlement density, and length of occupation. The investigation of intersite variability in waste management will give us important insights into the organization of lithic industries in Prehispanic Mesoamerica.

Las prácticas alfareras en perspectiva arqueológica pueden ser estudiadas abordando diferentes aristas concernientes al proceso de producción y los restos materiales asociados a cada etapa. En este trabajo se presentan los resultados obtenidos del análisis tecnológico integral de una muestra extensiva de alfarería procedente del tambo Incaico de Costa de Reyes N°5 (Tinogasta, Catamarca, Argentina). La metodología implementada para lograr los objetivos consiste en la reconstrucción de formas típicas, la observación de cortes frescos en lupa binocular y la petrografía en secciones delgadas, aplicadas a un conjunto alfarero recolectado tanto de contextos superficiales como de excavaciones estratigráficas realizadas en dos recintos del sitio de Costa de Reyes N°5. A través de esta aproximación se han logrado visualizar continuidades y rupturas en el proceso de producción de alfarería y en las recetas aplicadas por los alfareros durante momentos de los períodos Agroalfarero tardío (ca. 900–1450 dC) e Inca (ca. 1480–1532 dC). Mientras que la producción de alfarería durante el período Tardío presenta características heterogéneas y una mayor variabilidad, en momentos Incaicos se observa que las recetas aplicadas por los alfareros para elaborar las pastas cerámicas se homogenizan, lo que se interpreta como un control más estricto sobre las fuentes de materia prima y sobre el proceso de hacer alfarería como un todo.

The marine subsistence economy of the prehistoric people of northern Chile was heavily reliant on fiber technology for the components of nets, lines, and tethers. Despite the significance and the remarkable preservation of fiber artifacts along the arid Atacama coastline, these components have received little direct attention. This case study of fiber artifacts from the Caleta Vitor archaeological complex is the first broad overview of techniques, material usage/preference, and fiber-processing conventions at a northern Chilean Archaic period site. The data presented in this paper indicate gradual change in material preferences over time, shifting from locally available vegetal fiber, which dominates the Archaic period, with small amounts of camelid fiber, to the predominance of camelid fiber in the Late Formative period. This change coincides with the appearance of more complex weaving techniques indicating participation in the previously established textile tradition proposed by Ulloa (2008) as stretching from the Azapa Valley to the Loa River.

Identifying patterns in the organization of spaces, and in the ways past peoples may have moved through those spaces, can provide insights into daily practice, group interaction, and social control in community life. To identify such patterns, a modified version of access analysis is applied to the densely settled Late Classic (A.D. 650–960) site of Las Canoas, northwest Honduras. The usefulness of this spatial diagramming technique to illuminate patterns of potential significance to the past architects and occupants of this site will be critically assessed. In particular, access analysis is applied to consider formal and informal control of movement and social interaction within two discrete household groups. Conclusions regarding spatial use and social practice at Las Canoas are drawn from combined consideration of access diagrams, architectural form, activity distribution, and connections with the surrounding landscape.

Incised pebbles found at the mid-Holocene, Middle Preceramic period Ostra Base Camp site on the Peruvian north coast demonstrate long-distance links to coastal Ecuador, 700 km to the north. The artifacts belong to a northwestern Andean pebble-figurine tradition associated with the tropical coast. Environmental indicators at the Ostra site show a warm-water lagoonal environment, unlike the modern cold-water conditions of northwestern Peru but similar to modern Ecuador. The Ostra site dates between ca. 5500 and 6250 B.P. (3550 and 4300 B.C.), during a hiatus in the coastal Ecuadorian record, so the link to Ecuador provides the earliest evidence of long-distance cultural interaction between these regions. Until contemporary sites are found in Ecuador, the Ostra Base Camp site provides our only example for this time of tropical coastal cultures of the northwestern Andean interaction sphere.

Recent research and debates regarding the origin and spread of Olmec iconography during the Early Formative have centered on provenance and stylistic analyses of carved and incised pottery. Studies by instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA) have indicated that Gulf Coast-style carved-incised pots were exported extensively from the area of the first Olmec capital, San Lorenzo, to several other regions of Mesoamerica. More recently, excavations at the Pacific Coast site of Cantón Corralito have shown that carved-incised pottery and other Olmec-style artifacts dominate strata contemporary with Early Olmec, suggesting the site may represent a settlement enclave of Gulf Olmec peoples. In this study we provide additional evidence of exchange between the Gulf Olmec and the Pacific Coast region by using laser ablation time-of-flight inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (LA-TOF-ICP-MS) to characterize hematite-based paints on Olmec-style pottery from Cantón Corralito, and to compare these paints to raw hematite recovered from Cantón Corralito and San Lorenzo. When examined in combination with sherd provenance data, the LA-TOF-ICP-MS data demonstrate that Olmec vessels were decorated in the San Lorenzo region before being exported to the Pacific Coast, and that Gulf Coast hematite was exported to Cantón Corralito, where it was used to enhance Olmec-style symbolism on locally produced vessels.

Images on Late Preclassic (300 B.C.–A.D. 250) monuments from Izapa, Chiapas, Mexico, featuring canoe scenes, maize deities, and water gods, have long been interpreted as representing mythic passages. While significant, such interpretations neglect other aspects of the scenes, including environmental and socioeconomic concerns that revolve around rain, subsistence, and water transport. By contextualizing these images and linking them to recent archaeological investigations that illuminate aspects of the Late Preclassic economy of Izapa, I argue that the scenes strategically situated economic activities— maize agriculture, the trade and transport of goods in canoes, even salt production—within a mythic framework. The images constitute an artistic program that entwined mythic tales, industries of salt production, and traditions of water navigation and that phrased them as part of a system of social order during a period of incipient state formation.

Nuestro objetivo es estudiar las estrategias de uso del espacio por parte de sociedades humanas móviles en un paisaje andino de Patagonia caracterizado por una marcada heterogeneidad topográfica, climática y ecológica (localidad de Barrancas-Buta Ranquil, provincia del Neuquén, Argentina). Inicialmente, se analiza la estructura del paisaje desde una perspectiva biogeográfica, desarrollando un modelo de estacionalidad mediante sistemas de información geográfica. Nuestro enfoque distribucional combina una prospección sistemática para caracterizar la estructura espacial del registro en superficie y evidencias que han sido obtenidas bajo otras estrategias de muestreo. Sobre la base de la distribución de artefactos líticos y cerámicos y de motivos rupestres, se evalúan patrones de intensidad ocupacional, diversidad funcional y circulación de información en sectores del espacio con propiedades biogeográficas diferentes. Los resultados sugieren una delimitación funcional del espacio en escala temporal promediada, en la cual los espacios intermedios habrían funcionado como lugares centrales desde donde se articulan movimientos logísticos hacia otros sectores del paisaje. Dado que la unidad de muestreo captura variación biogeográfica que se expresa en forma regional más amplia, el modelo de uso del espacio propuesto es relevante para la comprensión de la arqueología del noroeste de Patagonia en general.

En este artículo se evalúan dos aproximaciones arqueológicas relacionadas con el control de recursos económicos básicos como un componente central en el surgimiento de la complejidad social durante el periodo prehispánico en la Sabana de Bogotá, Colombia. La visión “de arriba hacia abajo” propone que los caciques Muiscas derivaron su poder del control sobre recursos económicos, principalmente derechos sobre la tierra, mano de obra, mejores suelos agrícolas y sistemas de camellones y canales. La visión “de abajo hacia arriba” plantea que las unidades domésticas fueron las que controlaron los derechos sobre la tierra, mejores suelos agrícolas, sistemas de camellones y canales. Para evaluar ambas aproximaciones, se analizaron los datos de un reconocimiento regional de 235 km2 en la Sabana de Bogotá a través de un programa de Sistema de Información Geográfica para establecer la relación entre la distribución de la población y la calidad de suelos, camellones y canales. Los resultados apoyan la coexistencia de ambas situaciones. Los grupos locales y las unidades domésticas individuales tuvieron control directo sobre los derechos sobre la tierra y la infraestructura agrícola. Sin embargo, el núcleo del cacicazgo de Bogotá presentó más centralización demográfica y política y mayor grado de control directo sobre derechos de tierras, mano de obra, suelos de mejor calidad e infraestructura agrícola que otros cacicazgos locales.

The hilltop site of Torata Alta displays a gridded site plan characteristic of Inka and Spanish colonial settlement planning, and it is now evident that the site’s brief history represents both occupations. Torata Alta began as a colony established by the Inka in the agriculturally rich Torata Valley and was settled by their Altiplano allies, the Lupaqa, in the Lake Titicaca Basin. Sometime during the early 1570s, as part of Spanish colonial administrative reforms, the community became a reducción resettlement of native Andeans drawn from small nearby hamlets. A church and ancillary buildings were constructed in the site center, and investigated structures include a beer-brewing facility and residences for textile-producing elites. In 1600, the eruption of Huaynaputina volcano and its accompanying earthquake swarm destroyed the church and covered the site with a layer of ash. Torata Alta’s residents continued living there but suffered another earthquake in 1604. The community appears to have been largely abandoned by the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth century, the residents moving down to the valley settlement that became modern Torata.

Archaeological starch grains consistent with those produced and stored in modern cojoba (Anadenanthera peregrina) seeds were identified, for the first time in the West Indies, in a coral milling base recovered in a small precolonial habitation site of Eastern Puerto Rico, in a context dated to A.D. 1150-1250. Ethnohistoric, ethnographic, and previous archaeological data on cojoba from the West Indies and South America were surveyed in order to form plausible sociocultural interpretations of the findings. After experimentally assessing some ethnographic protocols that possibly replicate various ancient ways of processing cojoba seeds for producing hallucinogenic powders related to the so-called ritual de la cojoba, this report proposes that cojoba seeds were processed and used here mainly as an hallucinogenic complement to the healer for the divination of illness.

This article explores religion, death, and mortuary practices in the Southern Moche (A.D. 1-800) periphery as viewed through the excavation of grave contexts at the site of Huambacho, Nepeña Valley, Peru. Moche influence reached Nepeña as is visible in the construction of religious buildings at the site of Pañamarca and the presence of Moche style ceramics at several sites. In 2003 and 2004, scientific excavations at Huambacho, an Early Horizon center mainly built and occupied during the first millennium B.C., yielded a series of intrusive graves containing Gallinazo, Virú, and Moche style objects. This contribution contextualizes these discoveries and focuses on the analysis of funerary patterns of burial, osteological evidence, and symbolic meanings with the objective of understanding local funerary practices and Moche religious and cultural expressions. Symbolic references to coast-highland interactions, inversions in body positioning, and possible human sacrifices bring insights into the complex and potentially tense sociohistorical cirmcumstances in Nepeña during the Moche phase.

Numerous studies have used the Howells Peruvian sample from the province of Yauyos as the morphological representative for South America. Although Peru has a rich history of investigations of human skeletal remains, biological distance studies based on craniometrics are limited to nonexistent. This study examines the morphological variation found in Peru using the Howells sample and three additional coastal (Makatampu and Ancón) and highland (Cajamarca) samples. The between-group variation and the degree of among-group differentiation were tested using a canonical discriminant analysis and Mahalanobis D², respectively. All groups are significantly different from the Yauyos sample and results indicate a closer morphological affinity between coastal groups and the two highland groups.

Analyses of skeletal phenotypic traits have the potential to yield information pertaining to social organization, such as kinship and residence patterns. In this research, we examine sex-specific phenotypic variability of craniofacial and mandibular metric traits in eight skeletal samples from four sites (San Gerónimo, Chiribaya Alta, Chiribaya Baja, and El Yaral) attributed to the Chiribaya polity (A.D. 772–1350) and a contemporary Ilo-Tumilaca/Cabuza group (El Algodonal) from southern Peru. Through this data set we investigate various aspects of social organization (e.g., postmarital residence patterns) within the Chiribaya polity. We also examine Chiribaya interactions with the contemporaneous, yet culturally distinct, Tumilaca cultural group. The pattern of between-group bias-corrected estimates of biological distances points toward a more distant biological relationship between the two cultures than has previously been reported. Among the Chiribaya groups considered, determinant ratio analyses indicate that males from two cemeteries (Chiribaya Alta Cemetery 4 and Chiribaya Alta Cemetery 7) were significantly more variable than females, suggesting that males were the more mobile sex. Several explanatory models are considered, including a matrilocal residence pattern and the in-migration of males. We also examine the unique nature of results from within Chiribaya Alta, which support the argument made by previous researchers that this site represents a regional political center.

Investigations of the civic architecture at the Lowland Maya site of Blue Creek, Belize, have documented an Early Classic building with a colonnaded superstructure. Although one of only six such buildings reported from the Maya Lowlands, this architectural form appears to be a variant of a more common type of colonnaded building. An examination of such structures from a site-planning perspective indicates that columns may have been used by the Maya to create buildings that were conducive to movement, and for the conduct and/or viewing of public activities. The present study refutes the commonly held assumption that the use of columns in Maya architecture was limited in both spatial and temporal distribution, and instead shows them to have been widely distributed throughout the Maya Lowlands by the middle of the Classic Period.

Recent fieldwork concerning the late Preceramic/late Archaic period on the PeruvianNorth-Central Ccoast has revealed the existence of large architectural complexes, which scholars interpret as indicative of social complexity. This article is especially concerned with architectural design as an effective means to define social and political organization at Cerro Lampay. It concludes that there was not a highly formalized hierarchy but that power positions within the community could have been negotiated through ritual practices that included the dual organization of participants. It is highly probable that the residents of the North Central Coast were in constant and intense interaction during the late Archaic, which may have resulted in displays of competitive emulationin ritual settings.

We describe the development of a new chronology for the Postclassic site of Calixtlahuaca, Toluca, Mexico. We identify three ceramic phases using discriminant analysis of decorated and plainware types. These phases are consistent with excavated stratigraphy, as well as a series of 54 radiocarbon dates. We then assign absolute dates to the phases using Bayesian analysis of radiocarbon dates and historical information on the date of site abandonment. The resulting chronology identifies three phases at the site: Dongu (A.D. 1130-1380), Ninupi (A.D. 1380-1450), and Yata (A.D. 1450-1530). We then discuss the local and regional implications of the chronology. More broadly, our results demonstrate the utility of using multiple, complementary methods for developing more precise chronologies.