Le territoire de la République Islamique de Mauritanie compte bon nombre de sites archéologiques: le plus connu et le seul fouillé avant 1960 est celui de Koumbi Saleh; mais il faut signaler ceux d'Azougui, Chinguetti, Ouadane, Tichitt, Oualata, Rachid, Ksar-el-Barka qui, non travaillés jusqu'à ce jour, ont en commun la particularité d'avoir été, à des époques différentes certes, étapes au long d's;une piste commerciale reliant à travers le Sahara occidental, selon un parcours qui a varié au cours des siècles, les pays maghrébins au Bilad-el-Sudan, le Pays des Noirs. Parmi ces sites, les ruines de Tegdaoust, signalées depuis plusieurs dizaines d'années, ont été à plusieurs reprises identifiées à celles de la ville médiévale d'Awdaghost que citent souvent les récits de voyage et les descriptions géographiques rédigés par des auteurs arabes dès la fin de la conquête de l'Afrique du Nord par les Musulmans.

The results of archaeological work on ruins of the Zimbabwe–Khami complex in Rhodesia are reassessed in the light of recent work. In order to provide a preliminary framework for further archaeological investigation, the surface architectural features of a large group of these ruins are analysed, and seven different styles of ruin discerned. These are interpreted as belonging to at least two separate but related cultural groups, the first extending over the whole country in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the second restricted to southern Matabeleland and flourishing during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In a correlation of the archaeological and historical evidence, it is suggested that the decline of Zimbabwe and many smaller ruins belonging to the first cultural group may be linked with the rise of the Mwene Mutapa empire, in which little building in stone took place. The second cultural group and its ruins coincide with the Rozvi state ruled by the Changamire dynasty.

The canoe, carved and usually also burnt-out from a single tree trunk, played a part in the history of the coastal, lagoon and river-side peoples of West Africa similar in importance to that of the horse in the savannah states. It ranged in size from the small fishing canoe to craft over 80 ft. in length and capable of carrying, in calm waters, 100 men or more. Sails were often used, in addition to paddles and punt poles. The builders were specialists, usually living in the forests, where the most suitable trees were found.

Trading in ivory occurred early in the nineteenth century in the south-eastern region of the Victoria Nyanza. An examination of Kerebe oral tradition partially reveals the extent of African initiative in the early period of the trade. With the arrival of coastal traders, African initiative was diminished, except for outstanding leaders like Mirambo of Unyamwezi and Mutesa of Buganda. Their activities restricted the traders. Mirambo's control over the Unyanyembe–Karagwe route forced both Mutesa and the merchants to make full use of the lake for transporting goods from about 1878 to 1889. Before this time, the lake was only occasionally used for transporting ivory. Canoes provided the chief mode of transport during this period, though these were supplemented by two dhows. The lack of dhows does not reflect the lack of trade on the lake, but rather the extent of reliance upon Ganda assistance in carrying on the trade. With the Ganda in large numbers in the southern lake region for commercial reasons, the people there fell within Buganda's sphere of intervention. The Sukuma chiefdoms did not rely on Ganda military power to settle local quarrels, and thereby avoided the destruction that occurred in Buzinza. Internal factors in Buganda, however, weakened their control of the southern lake region even before the arrival of the Germans.

This paper attempts to reassess the general significance of the Thembu church by setting it in its political context. It examines the early career of Nehemiah Tile and the origins of this earliest of independent churches in southern Africa. In the 1880s Tile was not only the leader of the church, but also the chief figure behind a movement of political protest which sought to free Thembuland from Cape magisterial control. After his death, the church continued, and whites saw it as a real threat to their interests. But in the late 1890s the history of the church became increasingly obscure. There is some evidence to suggest that the church was less completely ‘tribal’ than usually maintained. The paper concludes that the church should be seen both as an expression of African reaction to the imposition of white rule on the Cape eastern frontier and as an element in the development of African nationalism.

This article describes the debilitating illness of Menilek and its effects upon the Ethiopian state. Prior to his incapacity, the old emperor established a European-style cabient, reformed the appelate judiciary, named Lij Eyyasu as his heir, and appointed Ras Bitwodded Tessema Nado as regent. The latter two actions were opposed by Empress Taitou, who hoped to become the real ruler of Ethiopia, operating behind the scenes. As the emperor weakened, she managed to concentrate many of his functions and much of his authority in her own hands. Given the confusion caused by Menilek's condition, she went unchallenged for a time, during which she attempted futilely to construct a viable power base in the north. Finally, in reaction, the Shoan, southern faction, which had much to lose if Menilek's settlement was upset, united and successfully deposed the empress in 1910. A regency government, composed of Menilek's council of ministers and the more important provincial governors, operated more or less functionally until April 1911, when the Ras-Regent died. At the time Lij Eyyasu became chairman of the regency council, and by 1913 he was exercising more or less full authority over the empire. Contrary to contemporary official European expectations and calculations, Menilek's empire did not crack apart upon his removal, nor from regional and personal rivalries. The diplomats showed complete ignorance about the effectiveness of the administrative and military occupation of the newly annexed parts of the empire; they grossly undervalued the strength of Amhara–Tigrean nationalism; they misunderstood the vitality of the mythology of the Solomonic dynasty; and they failed to consider the veneration which Menilek elicited from his people. More than any other point, this article demonstrates the transcendent vitality of the empire which Menilek constructed.

This article draws attention to the comparative lack of material on the origins of African nationalism in Zambia, and suggests a framework of analysis and possible future areas of research on the subject. In contrast with some other East and Central African territories, Zambia offered little or no primary resistance to the imposition of colonial rule, but in other respects the country resembled neighbouring territories in the first three decades of colonial rule. There is a need for further study of Watch Tower and the Welfare Associations, the former in the inter-war years, the latter in the 1940s. The Copperbelt from 1930 to 1950, with its problems of urbanization and the colour bar, is a vital factor setting Zambia apart from other tropical dependencies. Here, Africans were confronted with the determination of Europeans to retain political and economic power, whatever the policy declarations of the government. The politicization of the territory can be traced from here, and the role of the Bemba-speaking peoples as the spearhead of protest had its origin in their powerful position on the Copperbelt.