The article first presents the broad outlines of a recent work of the author. It shows that Social Credit was a movement long before it became a political party, a fact which offers the opportunity to present a brief history of the Social Credit phenomenon in Quebec. This political movement is defined as a protest movement, and its ideology is that of the right in the sense that it makes its appeal particularly to conservatism, with a view to preserving a social and economic order threatened with disappearance. One can distinguish three phases in the evolution of the movement: a mobilization phase, a consolidation phase and a phase of institutionalization. For each of these phases there is a corresponding type of leader. Moreover factionalism acts as the catalyst of change of the movement from one phase to another. The last part of the article presents and discusses the recent developments of Social Credit in Canada and in Quebec. Two different choices appear to be available to the party: to radicalize its appeal as a movement of right-wing protest, or to modernize its ideology in such a way as to become a moderate party of the centre right. Finally the Creditiste phenomenon is examined as a particular species of a broader genus which would include the Parti Québécois as well. One could therefore apply to the latter the same type of analysis that was applied to the Creditiste phenomenon.

To many Canadians anti-Americanism is not only as old as Canada itself, but it also seems to have been and still is an integral part of the entire Canadian experience. To the historian Baker, anti-Americanism is a recurring theme in Canadian history and exists today as it did a century ago. However, anti-Americanism, to the best knowledge of the authors, has not been investigated through systematic behavioural empirical research. The development of a scale to measure anti-American attitudes is a necessary step in the empirical investigation of Canadian anti-Americanism. The purpose of this research note is to present some data that contribute to the empirical development of a measure of Canadian attitudes towards Americans which may be used as an anti-American scale.

Herbert Marcuse owes his notoriety primarily to the loud echoes evoked by his words among American and European student militants; he is in danger of becoming their first victim as is the wont of fashionable men and ideas.

But the real interest of his intellectual approach lies elsewhere, in his unceasing and relentless efforts to criticize advanced industrial societies which he judges to be repressive; to explain the mechanisms through which this repression is internalized, thus blocking any perspective allowing for radical change; and to found a new type of industrial society, compatible with, and favourable to, the “liberation” of man.

This paper retraces the main lines of this intellectual development, stressing particularly its philosophical foundations and its innovations with respect to the sources from which it is derived.

This article analyzes the principal features of industrial policy in the post-war advanced capitalist economies. Industrial policy is defined as a series of discriminatory measures developed by the state to promote industrial growth. Four main directions are outlined: increased financial aid to replace tariff protection; preference accorded to the more concentrated industries, particularly those related to, or in association with, national defense; new interest in the development of peripheral regions; and priority accorded to large corporations.

A number of explanations are proposed for each of these main policies. The common thread running through them is the process of internationalization of production and trade liberalization. These lead each national economy to redefine its role in the global system. The analysis also underlines the ambivalent position of the state vis-à-vis a free market. Capitalist states rely upon the market to assure economic growth. The growth, nevertheless, is accompanied by regional and sectoral disequilibria which can reduce the political legitimacy of the state. This is why the state seeks to regulate growth, with a minimum of social conflict. State intervention is not designed solely to promote the interests of a class of large capitalists, but corresponds at the same time to the logic of capitalist accumulation and the requirements of political legitimacy.

This article examines candidate emails from the 2016–17 Conservative Party of Canada leadership race to explore how candidates communicated with party supporters on issues of moral traditionalism (for example, abortion and sexuality diversity) and minority religious accommodation. We find that the level of public support for a given policy position shaped how overtly candidates signalled their views, with those supporting moral traditionalism or restrictions on religious minorities tending to express their views covertly and vice versa. Message overtness also changed following the deadline for new members to join the party before the vote. This article marks the first systematic study of how party leadership candidates attempt to solicit support from particular party factions and how candidates’ appeals evolve throughout a campaign. The results also show that the high-profile debate around minority religious accommodation during the leadership race did not displace contestation between candidates over issues such as sexual or reproductive rights.

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