The discovery of a hitherto unknown map of Alanya dating from the early seventeenth century enables a comparison to be made between the very detailed fortifications that it depicts and those that are standing today. Such a comparative analysis should permit some inferences about the form of the Seljuk and early Ottoman fortifications that are now ruinous. The Italian military provenance of the map gives an opportunity to illuminate briefly the depredations of the Medici navy in southern and western Anatolia.

Most historians have been reluctant to use maps as evidence, the few who have done so have often fallen into the pit of misinterpretation that the former, and perhaps wiser, have avoided: but the study of the history of cartography is gradually emerging from the exclusively archaeological stage, in which it has been delving for over a century, and the corpus of information about maps has now grown to the point where no historian can afford to ignore their value as evidence, provided that he is able to evaluate them accurately. It is in evaluation that the historian of cartography owes a duty to his fellow historians.

The Church of St Mary is one of the most significant monuments of Ephesos, but also one of the most enigmatic. Its repeated modifications prior to its destruction created an amalgam of different phases that have proven difficult to decipher within the present remains. Written records and inscriptions suggest that this church was the venue of the riotous Ecumenical Council of AD 431, but the identification of the phase of the building that corresponds to this event is controversial. And, although the remains make it clear that at some point the church was transformed into a domed basilica, the latter’s form and date have not been established with certainty. The present article tries to fill these lacunae through a new survey of the remains of the church and a re-examination of the evidence from the archaeological excavations of the 20th century. This new investigation of wall structures and design patterns within the remains leads to new interpretations of the evidence, and sheds further light on the history of the Church of St Mary from its late antique origins to the Dark Ages.

A new building inscription (no. 1) from Oinoanda, found beside the baths building Ml 1 in 2011, dedicates the building to the Roman emperor Vespasian and his sons Titus and Domitian in AD 73. This article places the new find in the setting of the whole building complex, including the adjacent building Ml 2, which is likely to be a palaistra (wrestling-school), though rebuilt over a century later. The inscription supplies new evidence for the date of the governor of Lycia-Pamphylia, Firmus. It also points to the existence of earlier baths, which is compared to other similar indications from elsewhere in Lycia. A second, but illegible, inscription was recorded in 2012, outside a doorway leading from building Ml 1 into the peristyle building Ml 2 (no. 2). A third inscription on a statue base in building Ml 2 was also recorded (no. 3), along with two other illegible statue-base inscriptions (nos 4 and 5). The article places them in the context of the inscribed monuments found earlier at the building complex (nos 6 and 7), which may have included the small building Ml 3, and discusses them in the light of the broader phenomenon of Julio-Claudian and Flavian baths buildings in the region, and the role of the provincial governors and procurators in overseeing such building projects. This allows us to draw some conclusions about the nature and impact of Roman rule in first-century Lycia, which brought within the reach of many Lycian cities piped water, Italian-style bathing and new, improved facilities for the regionally popular heavy athletic sports of boxing, wrestling and pankration (unarmed combat).

This paper examines the Aegean and Aegeanising ceramic wares of Geometric type that were recovered in excavations at the Cilician seaport of Kinet Höyük. Its Geometric pottery assemblage, published here for the first time, is among the largest found so far in the eastern Mediterranean and provides the starting point for a new reconstruction of Greek pottery consumption patterns in the eastern Mediterranean. With this aim, we first present the formal and archaeometric characteristics of the Kinet repertoire, the nature of its archaeological contexts, and how it compares with Geometric ceramic assemblages elsewhere. The second part of our paper assesses this popular Aegean ceramic type’s modes of production in order to define the conditions that sponsored the many dimensions of its distribution, exchange and consumption.*

Northeastern Anatolia during the Iron Age has long been neglected archaeologically, yet historical sources attest to its importance, located on the frontiers of the Urartian and Persian empires and witness to numerous incursions by diverse groups such as the Medes, Cimmerians and Scythians. The archaeological potential of the area was first revealed by surface surveys carried out in the 1940s and 1950s. However, with the University of Melbourne's excavations and surface survey of sites in the Bayburt and Erzurum provinces, there is now a significant body of material emerging for study.

Historical and archaeological foci have traditionally been with the centres of empires, the core or optimal areas, while it is in the periphery, or marginal areas that the dynamics of social change are most evident. These foci largely stem from the inherent difficulties involved in gleaning information on peripheral areas.

In 1967, a fifth season of excavation was completed at Alahan. Work, which began on 5th July and continued until 29th August, was carried out by a labour force of twenty-five workmen, of whom Ahmet Kaya, Aslan Şahin and Süleyman Uysal have not missed a season since the first exploratory sounding made on the site of the Basilica in 1955. Apart from the Director and Mrs. Gough, the members of the staff were Messrs. G. Bakker, P. Pratt and R. Wylie, architects; Mrs. Bakker and Miss M. McGregor, inventory and conservation; Messrs. A. Ray and L. Thomas, site supervisors; Misses H. Cash and M. MacDonald, and Mr. P. Percival-Price, field-assistants. Bayan Nihal Dönmez represented the Ministry of Education, and to her the expedition is grateful for practical help on many occasions. Our thanks are also due to the Institute's Council of Management, to the Russell Trust and to a private subscriber in Ankara for the funds which made the season a success.

Apart from the archaeological results, the year 1967 provided two further reasons for special gratification. As a recognition of Alahan's status as a major site in exceptionally beautiful surroundings (Pl. LVI), a good road has now been built up the mountain slope under the auspices of the Ministry of Tourism.

This short note is here presented as an illustration not only of the material which will be published in the final volumes but also of the aims and methods of the R.E.C.A.M. work.

Four inscriptions form the core of this article. Two are from the area of Ladik (now renamed Halicı), the ancient Laodiceia Combusta; both are unpublished. The remaining two are from Sinop, the ancient Sinope; one has been published previously, the other is a new, unpublished fragment of a known inscription. The full text of these two Sinop documents can now be significantly revised. Of the two Ladik inscriptions, one was seen in the course of my researches on the milestones of Asia Minor (CIL XVII fasc. 5); the other came to light amongst the papers left to the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara by Professor W. M. Calder.

I am grateful to the Ministry of Culture, General-Directorate of Antiquities and Museums for permission to publish this material.

The purpose of this interim report is to give a description of the major architectural features of the site, the evidence for their dating, and a brief account of the artifactual remains from them. This work is necessarily incomplete: only the major excavated levels are distinguished and illustrated; a detailed division of the Medieval levels into subsidiary phases has not been attempted here; and before a complete and definitive account of the artifactual remains, especially the pottery, can be given, further work must be done on the material. This may throw new light on the problems of dating.

Fig. 1 shows the area excavated, with the exception of the step trenches dug down the north side of the mound, which are of no direct relevance to the architecture of the later periods considered here, and the trenches on the west side of the mound, dug ad hoc to investigate the later Medieval structures. These are shown in Figs. 11 and 12. The continuous thin lines in Fig. 1 indicate the internal sections which were drawn from the topsoil to the point where excavation was halted but which were later removed.

In a recent article Dr Nadav Na'aman suggested that two rulers called Yarimlim and two called Ammitakumma succeeded each other in alternation during the period of the Level VII archive at Alalakh. This reconstruction of the chronology fails, as do all previous reconstructions, to take into account the seal impressions on the tablet envelopes. These seal impressions have now been published and the chronology which they enabled me to reconstruct is substantially that established by Rowton and Kupper. A close study of Dr Na'aman's article has not led me to alter my views and I should like to make the following points.

Dr Na'aman questions the generally accepted chronology for Alalakh on the grounds that YḪammurapi I (grandfather),AYarimlim (father) and AAmmitakumma (son) “reigned over a period of at least 125 years” and that “six kings reigned in Yamḫad concurrently with two Kings at Alalakh”. He accepts a date “circa the twenties of the 18th century B.C. (or slightly earlier)” for the beginning of the archive and therefore, presumably, for the beginning of the reign of AYarimlim.

The excavations of Young at Gordion (1950–73) made an immeasurable contribution to our understanding of the Iron Age in central Anatolia. Amidst the attention paid to his discoveries of rich burial tumuli and substantial buildings within the elite quarter of the Gordion citadel mound, a series of casual drawings incised on the exterior surface of one of these buildings, Megaron 2, has received less notice. Known informally as ‘doodles’, these drawings range from small cursory sketches to larger complex pictures. They were noted in the Gordion preliminary excavation reports for the 1956 and 1957 seasons and were the subject of a brief study in Archaeology in 1969, but their significance has never been fully assessed. Yet these drawings, while hardly great art, have the potential to offer much valuable information on Phrygian interests and activities and on the Phrygians' sources of artistic inspiration in the late eighth century BC. For this reason I am undertaking a full review of all the stones with incised Phrygian drawings for publication. My goal here is to discuss the technique and subject matter of the drawings, and offer some suggestions about the artistic impetuses which lay behind them.

In the year A.D. 451, Nestorianism was formally condemned at the Council of Chalcedon. Amongst the metropolitans and bishops who attended from all over the Empire were representatives of the eight sees of Cilicia Prima, the western part of the province known to the Romans as Cilicia Campestris. One of these bishops was Theodorus of Augusta. Nothing further is known of Theodorus, and it was not until recently that anything more was known of his bishopric. This is not surprising, since Augusta was never one of the great cities of the ancient world, and after the rise of Islam soon sank into obscurity. Indeed, apart from the fact that it was almost certainly one of the cities visited by St. Paul when, according to Acts, “he went through Syria and Cilicia confirming the churches,” its recent discovery at Gübe, about 16 km. north of Adana, is not perhaps of great historical significance.

The Inscribed Pillar of Xanthos remains one of the most enigmatic monuments of ancient Lycia. This article addresses the problem of the monument's authorship, but tries also to shed some light on the relative chronology of its inscriptions (a Greek epigram, a long inscription in Lycian A and a short Lycian B inscription), the relationship between the decorative sculptures of the monument and the content of the inscriptions, the political intention of the Lycian A text, and the significance of the Greek epigram for our understanding of the process of Greek acculturation. We argue that the Pillar results from the interventions of different individuals at different times and its overall design, therefore, does not represent a single and unified concept. Viewed from this perspective, several aspects of the monument, while apparently inconsistent at first glance, reveal their own ‘consistency’, which allows us to resolve the contradictions of previous interpretations.

Among the new inscriptions which have come to light during the Oenoanda surveys of 1974 to 1977 is a group of four which are of particular interest in view of their subject matter and place of origin on the site. All were found close together in 1975, among recently overthrown and heavily disturbed ruins of a building or buildings constructed against a cliff face on the lower, north-western slopes of the site. These ruins lie some 300 m. northwards along the hill-side from a set of rock-cut tombs, which were first reported by Rudolf Heberdey and Ernst Kalinka in their monograph of 1897. One inscription from this group had already been published by Maurice Holleaux and Pierre Paris in 1886 and names Κατάγραφος son of Ἀρτέμων as ἱερεύς πρὸ πολέως Λητοῦς διὰ βίου.

The meagre evidence, based on reports in sources and the material gleaned in the course of surveys by several researchers, of the fortress of Akhiza (northeast Turkey), which was renovated in the reign of King Vakhtang Gorgasali (446–522), and on the Episcopal See set up there, may be supplemented by archival material preserved at the Sh. Amiranashvili Museum of Art, as well as by recourse to the artefacts deposited at the S. Janashia Museum of Georgia, both in Tbilisi. In particular, a letter of A. Florenski, a collaborator with the Caucasian Museum in Tbilisi, written early in the 20th century to D. Gordeev (1889–1964) makes it clear that, at that time, a mosaic image of the Virgin Orans existed in the chancel of the ruined cathedral. According to Florenski, the mosaic was destroyed by a resident of Ardanuch, Usta-Gevork, at the beginning of the 20th century. Some of the material collected by Florenski from Akhiza (including a finger-ring with a cameo bearing the image of the Archangel Michael and distinguished for its high artistic features) found its way to St Petersburg, while two antefixes with representations of leaved crosses and deer, as well as up to three dozen mosaic tesserae are kept in the S. Janashia Museum of Georgia. At the time of the creation of the mosaic, it is worth noting that, after the Arab conquests (in the 730s), Akhiza, with its cathedral, must have ceased to exist as an Episcopal See. In this connection, the antefixes supply additional dating evidence, the artistic peculiarities of the images adorning them clearly pointing to the fifth to sixth century.

In 2019, excavation in the Yalnızlar neighbourhood of Sinop, Turkey, revealed a small number of architectural remains, two stone-paved floors and two lavishly decorated pebble-mosaic floors. Both the architectural remains and the pebble-mosaic floors are rare finds in Sinop, even more so given that the floors were found largely intact within their architectural settings. These elements appear to have constituted a portion of a once-grand house of the mid-fourth century BC. This article focuses on the pebble-mosaic floors, which will be analysed in two parts. The first introduces the floors and considers their construction techniques and decorative programmes. Analogies form an essential part of the analysis in order to contextualise both pavements within the corpus of Greek pebble-mosaic floors. A holistic evaluation of the architectural remains and the mosaics follows, in order to consider the setting and use of the floors. In the second part of the article, the sociocultural context of the mosaics is addressed. The analysis considers the meaning and symbolism of their decorations, as well as the place they once occupied within the lives of their owners. Ultimately, the position of the examples from Sinope within the wider sphere of mid-fourth-century BC Greek pebble-mosaic floors will be considered, along with the significance of such lavishly decorated floors in Sinope at this time.

The establishment of colonies along the Hellespont by inhabitants of Ionia, Athens and Lesbos is well-known from historical texts. Recently, stratified contexts at Troy as well as other surveys and excavations have yielded new information about the chronology and material markers of Archaic period settlements in the Troad and the Gallipoli peninsula. The archaeological evidence for colonisation in this region is not clearly seen until the late seventh to early sixth century BC when there is a dramatic change in the material culture. Destruction evidence from Troy indicates that the new settlers probably entered a weakened and depopulated region in the second half of the seventh century BC. The Ionian colonists transplanted their pottery traditions and started production of East Greek style ceramics in the Troad. Neutron Activation Analysis of Wild Goat style ceramics found at Troy offers further confirmation for the existence of Hellespontine Wild Goat style ceramic production centres. The Wild Goat style examples from Troy help to define the characteristics of the Hellespontine group, as well as the chronology and impact of colonisation in this area.