An inscription at Comana Cappadociae (Şar köyü, Mağara, Adana), hitherto unpublished, provides the evidence for this note (Pl. XLIIa, Fig. 1). The stone is now in the yard of the school at Şar. It is a white marble slab, 0.90 × 0.40 m., recut below and at the lower right corner. The building which now houses the school was a church when the village was inhabited by Armenians and seems to have been built by them entirely out of ancient materials. This stone is said to have formed the door-sill of the church and to have been taken out when the position of the door was changed recently. Lines 4 and 5 certainly appear to have been worn by the passage of feet.

Leon de Laborde's visit to Alahan in 1826 provided the earliest western account of the monastery complex that is now so closely associated with the work of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara through the excavations conducted by Michael Gough. Laborde was not, however, the first of the modern visitors. He was preceded by the indefatigable Evliya Çelebi, who visited the site in 1671–1672, while on his way to Mecca for the pilgrimage. Evliya followed more or less the course of the modern highway from Karaman to Mut, and I give below the full account of his journey between these two stations. Of the two primary authorities for the text, I have used MS. Pertev Pş 462, f. 68a as my chief source, with supplements from MS. Beşir Aǧa 452, f. 68a (a fuller, but less scrupulous, and on the whole less intelligent copy). The two copies vary more than is normally to be expected. The lost exemplar may have become increasingly unclear in the final two volumes, and the copyists were probably tiring of their monumental task. In the 1935 modernization of Seyahatname, Vol. IX, the passage occurs on pages 315–316.

During the Excavations at Pisidian Antioch conducted for the University of Michigan in 1924 by Professor D. M. Robinson with the help of Sir W. M. Ramsay, a number of inscriptions seem to have been discovered and transferred to the garden of the ortokul in the neighbouring town of Yalvaç. Some remained unpublished, perhaps even unrecorded, and were copied by the present writer during her stay in Yalvaç, in the summer of 1955. Amongst these stones (although it may well have been brought to the school garden on some other occasion) is a block which, broken though it is, still bears substantial portions of two separate inscriptions. One yields fresh information about the constitution of the colony established by Augustus at Antioch in 25 B.C., while the other, a dedication to Gratian and his fellow Augusti, shows Latin in use at Antioch at a very late date in its history and reveals the name of a hitherto unknown governor of Pisidia. The present dimensions of the stone are 0·585 m. by 0·785 m. by 0·585 m. See Plate III.

The extent to which Hittite has preserved Indo-European ablaut patterns has always been a matter for debate. Variations in the vowel of the root occur in both the -mi and the -ḫi conjugations, although roots of the shape TeRT- have eliminated vocalic variation altogether, and certain other verbs, such as pai- “go” have similarly only one form of the root. In those roots which end in a single consonant and show variation in the root vowel several types may be distinguished. In the -mi conjugation the type represented by 3 sg. ku-en-zi, 3 pl. ku-na-an-zi or 3 sg. ku-e-ir-zi, 3 pl. ku-ra-an-zi has always been recognized as reflecting inherited e/zero alternation, as seen also in Sanskrit 3 sg. hánti, 3 pl. ghnánti. This type presents no difficulties from the comparative point of view except for the appearance of the e-grade of the root in some persons where zero grade might have been expected, as in the preterite plural and 2 pl. imperative, which is identical in form with the 2 pl. indicative of the preterite.

There are two well-defined varieties of the Cappadocian Symbol; one with bosses and one without. It is the first type that is considered here.

Apart from the presence or absence of the bosses there is a fairly well-defined difference in the curved members, Figs, 1, 2. Those with the bosses almost invariably curve upwards and inwards as if embracing the limb of the cross, while those without the bosses are so strongly recurved outwards as to double back on to the other limb of the cross, and perhaps were finally thought of as belonging to it.

The two types very rarely combine, but on one occasion we have a curious case where there are only four bosses inside the curves and the curves themselves are very strongly bent backwards in the manner of those without the bosses. On yet another occasion we have a case which again only has the four bosses within the curves, but here the latter have come completely apart from the cross and lie almost on the horizontal limbs, see Figs. 6, 7 infra. As will appear later on, these seem to provide a link between the two types, that with the bosses and that without.

Caria south of the Maeander (Büyük Menderes) river has fascinated travellers since antiquity. Mountainous in character and moderately populated today, the region served as a political and cultural frontier between the Greek mainland and the more ancient centres of civilization in the Near East. After a century of exploration, a wealth of data now illuminates the historic past of ancient Caria (von Diest 1909, Ramsay 1890, Paton and Meyers 1896, Winter 1887, Chamonard 1895, Fowler 1906, Hicks, 1892, Humann and Dörpfeld 1893, Miller 1916, Paton 1900, and Weber, 1904). Although informative, such scholarship has also had a negative impact. All too often, the view taken in the published literature is that previously identified sites offer little additional information. Scholars have tended to accept this view and the “authoritative research” of others without further examination of the region or its rich physical remains.

A Babylonian text from Sultantepe published by Professor Gurney in 1964 noted that the age of seventy marked a “long life” though it goes on to list eighty as “old age” (šībūtu) and ninety as “extreme old age” (littūtum). In congratulating my teacher and colleague on his long life of scholarship this contribution carries with it best wishes for his continuing work as ana labīrūti illak. Having been with Professor Seton Lloyd at Sultantepe on the day in 1951 when the site was first surveyed and chosen as full of promise it would seem appropriate to offer here a text which virtually completes the first tablet of the poem of the Righteous Sufferer (ludlul bēl nēmeqi). In 1954 Professor Gurney made available, in conjunction with W. G. Lambert, a new text from Sultantepe which marked a notable advance on our hitherto scanty knowledge of that tablet. Subsequently Professor Lambert published the first part of the hymn of praise to the god Marduk (ll. 1–12) with which this classical poem opens.

The recent discovery of a number of new milestones in Galatia proper prompts a re-examination of the road system of that area, important as it was as a centre of communications from early times. The importance of Ancyra in particular as a road-junction is well illustrated by a large number of milestones dating to the first and second centuries A.D.; perhaps the rapid development of that city at this time is to be attributed in part to a realisation of its strategic importance.

In these notes are presented various trouvailles encountered by the writer in the course of other researches. Although disconnected and inconclusive, they may be of some use to students of Sinop and to those interested in the general subject of the collection of antiquities in the Levant. In general, well-known sources have not been discussed, except in so far as they afford comparison with the less familiar accounts dealt with here. A final note refers to the Jewish population of Sinop in the early Ottoman period in relation to travellers' accounts.

In antiquity, the status of Sinop as a port was well known. Arrian is almost alone in describing the town not as a harbour but only in relation to its being a Milesian colony and the founder of Trabzon (Baschmakoff 1948: 80–81, 94–95). Similarly, in the later middle ages and early modern times, references to Sinop were almost always in relation to its port. For some, the interest was urgent: it was a welcome refuge for Bishop Ignatios of Smolensk when in 1389 his vessel, coasting the Crimea, was driven to the southern Pontic shore. Adverse winds detained him there for two days (Majeska 1984: 86–89). He was more fortunate than Ibn Battuta, some 40 years earlier, whom bad weather had delayed there for 40 days (Ibn Battuta, translated by H. A. R. Gibb 1957: 141).

In AS. XIV, 1964, Michael Ballance published in “Derbe and Faustinopolis” not only the decisive evidence for the identification of Faustinopolis at Başmakçı but also a useful summary of the evidence for the Roman routes leading towards the Cilician Gates. In the same volume I published a prosopographical study of Aradius Paternus, a previously unknown governor of Cappadocia commemorated on a milestone of Severus Alexander (illustrated on Pl. XXIa) found at Soğukpınar, three miles south of the modern town of Pozantı. I present here the results of survey work done in the ilçe of Pozantı, in the summer of 1964, as part of a wider survey of Roman Cappadocia undertaken as Institute Scholar and with the benefit of a survey permit obtained for me by the General Directorate of Antiquities and Museums, Ankara.

The building that forms the subject of the present paper was studied by the writer during the course of the 1977 season of survey at Oenoanda. As no excavation was possible under the terms of the expedition's permit, the study was limited to the upstanding walls, visible foundations, and accessible blocks of fallen masonry, with the result that many details of the architecture have had to remain uncertain. A systematic excavation would resolve most of these uncertainties, because there is every reason to believe that the elements for a near-complete restoration, in both plan and elevation, are lying buried on the site. Such an excavation is, however, unlikely to take place in the near future, and, since the range of buildings in Lycia which have been published in any detail remains small, it has seemed worth while to present the results of the 1977 work forthwith. Building Mk 1 is of added importance in that its function can be identified and the date of at least one of its major phases can be established on epigraphic and other grounds: it is certainly a bath-building and equally certainly achieved its final form in the Severan period.

Archaeological excavations were conducted at Alişar Höyük in central Turkey from 1927 to 1932 by the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. The six years of investigation uncovered evidence that indicated the mound had been occupied intermittently from at least the Early Bronze Age through the modern Turkish period. The premature cessation of excavations at the site, however, left many issues unresolved, a situation that has bedeviled Anatolian specialists up to the present day.

Foremost among the problems left unsettled by the Oriental Institute excavations was the question of whether a Late Bronze II settlement (1400–1200 B.C.) had existed at the site, an issue that was raised by the discovery at Alişar of cuneiform tablets written in the Old Assyrian script that referred to a town called Amkuwa, known also from Hittite texts as Ankuwa. On the basis of these references, scholars were quick to associate Amkuwa/Ankuwa with Alişar. The problem with this equation is that, on the one hand, a Hittite text dating to the reign of Hittite king Ḫattušili III makes it clear that Ankuwa was occupied in the LB II.

The first fragments of the Epicurean inscription of Diogenes of Oenoanda were discovered by M. Holleaux and P. Paris one hundred years ago, in December 1884, and it is particularly satisfying to be able to mark the centenary of this significant event by publishing three new fragments of Diogenes' work.

The fragments were discovered by members of a British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara team, which spent two weeks at Oenoanda in the summer of 1983 (17th–31st August) carrying forward the epigraphical and topographical survey of the site begun in 1974–7 and continued in 1981.

The members of the team were A. S. Hall (Director), J. J. Coulton, A. Farrington and R. R. R. Smith. The representative of the Turkish Government was Bay İbrahim Malkoç. A heavy debt of gratitude is owed, and warmly acknowledged, to the Directorate-General of Antiquities and Museums of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism in Ankara, from which the permit was derived.

The village of Tille, now named Geldibuldu, is situated on the right bank of the Euphrates, at the western end of the modern bridge which takes the Adıyaman—Urfa/Diyarbakır road across the river. Tille village lies on the north side of the modern road at c. 30 km. east of Kahta and c. 60 km. east of Adıyaman. It is not large; the number of houses is small. The village is surrounded by gardens, particularly on the east, south and south-west sides; there are several fountains in and near the village. A good spring rises on the hillside south-west of the village and provides the main source of water for irrigation (Fig. 1, Pl. XXXIIIa, b).

The village is a muhtarlık, although the present muhtar does not reside in Tille; he lives in a mezraa of the village, Karatilbe, one of six such independent hamlets of Geldibuldu muhtarliǧı: Kefiri, Açoǧlu, Körseluk, Tilbe, Karatilbe, and Semagün, all forming part of the territory of Geldibuldu.

A small, thin, rectangular limestone plaque, bearing a five-line inscription, was copied by A.H. in the Konya Archaeological Museum in September 1980. The stone lacked an inventory number, and the Museum's staff could supply no information about its provenance. One may presume, however, that it has reached the Museum in recent years, probably after discovery in Konya itself. As will be demonstrated below, other grounds exist for supposing that it comes from Konya, but a provenance elsewhere in the Konya İli cannot be ruled out.

The block is complete to left and right, probably complete above and below, broken behind: H. 0·16, W. 0·32, Th. 0·06, with letters varying between 1·5 and 3 cm. (the smallest on the bottom line) which are irregular in shape and unevenly set out on the stone (see photograph of squeeze, Plate XXVIIa). The face is slightly damaged at its top right-hand corner and at the bottom left.

After the completion of the new Museum in Gaziantep, the then Director, Bay Hasan Candemir, asked the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara to undertake the task of refurbishing and rearranging the material (in the Gaziantep Museum) from the 1949 excavations. It was not until 1986 that the B.I.A.A. was able to organize a team suitable for the work of restoration and refurbishment. Since 1986 two further seasons have been completed in the Museum of Gaziantep: Spring 1987 and Spring 1988. The report here is based on the activities of Spring 1986 and Spring 1987.

The original work at Sakçagözü was, of course, carried out by Professor John Garstang who in 1908 and again in 1911 excavated on the site still called locally Coba Höyük (“mound A”). His aim was to reveal the Iron Age relief sculptures which had been discovered there. During the course of excavation he encountered pottery and other remains which were clearly earlier than the period represented by the sculptures.

Professor Garstang also excavated at Songrus Höyük (“mound B”) and took the opportunity to make trial excavations at Keferdiz Höyük (“mound C”).

The site of Comana Cappadociae lies, according to Strabo (XII. 2. 3.), in a deep and narrow valley of the Antitaurus, on both banks of the river Sarus. That this description is aptly fitted by the ruins at the village of Şar, in the valley of the Göksu or Sarız çay, in the kaza of Mağara (in 1967 renamed Tufanbeyli), at the northernmost point of the vilayet of Adana, was soon noted by visitors (Plates XLIV a, b, XLV a). The best evidence for the location of Comana is given by the Tabula Peutingeriana and by the Itineraria Antoniniana, both of which show the city to be on the direct route from Caesareia (Kayseri) to Melitene (Eski Malatya). The Tabula Peutingeriana shows that the traveller had to cross a range of mountains as he approached Comana from the west, as now one can approach Şar by the direct route across the Antitaurus. The Itineraria Antoniniana (210.5–211.4) give a distance of 154 Roman miles between Melitene and Comana, while a milestone in the village at Şar, of the great series belonging to that road, bears the number 157. This close correspondence makes it certain that the ruins at Şar are those of the classical Comana, even without the cumulative circumstantial evidence of the inscriptions. The relationship of the Hittite Kummanni, and Kizzuwatna, with Comana is of course another problem which, regrettably, remains unsolved.