In this paper the results of X-ray fluorescence and neutron activation analyses for 18 obsidian tools from the archaeo¬logical sites of Eastern Chia Sabz and Chogha Ahovan in western Iran are presented. The archaeological sites have materials dating from the Pre-pottery Neolithic and Chalcolithic to Uruk periods. The evidence supports our conclusion that most of the obsidian found on western Iranian sites came from sources located near Lake Van in southeastern Turkey. These results suggest that the trade route for obsidian originated in southeastern Anatolia and moved southward along the western slopes of the Zagros Mountains into the central Zagros region.

As one of the many monumental tombs of fourth-century BC Anatolia, the Heroon of Perikle at Limyra is usually overshadowed by the earlier and better preserved Nereid Monument of Xanthos. Its owner, Perikle, is seen as either a mediocre pro-Achaemenid dynast or a fan of his namesake, the Athenian strategos, a view reflected in previous assessments of the stylistic pedigree of the tomb’s ornamentation. But a re-examination of the Heroon’s sculptural programme that places the cella friezes, karyatids and akroteria within their historical context shows the tomb to be Perikle’s announcement of his status as the first military king of Lycia. The Heroon of Perikle reflects associations with both the buildings of the Athenian Akropolis and Persian iconography, but these elements were appropriated to serve the political agenda of Perikle and his later hero cult.

Spatial continuity of the house is often seen as crucial in providing temporal depth for the Neolithic societies of southwest Asia. While an emphasis on the creation of such continuities is evinced at densely agglomerated sites, other sites are characterised by dispersal and frequent relocation of habitation. Çatalhöyük (Turkey) and Tell Sabi Abyad (Syria) appear to be at either end of this spectrum. However, recently found evidence and reinterpretation of older evidence call into question the apparently stark distinction between the two sites. The purpose of this paper is to compare aspects of the archaeological evidence from Tell Sabi Abyad and Çatalhöyük, and in doing so to understand the different ways in which site formation and social continuity were achieved. In particular, the presence of breaks in spatial continuities – an often overlooked aspect of site formation – and its implications are discussed. It appears that at these two sites both continuity and breaks gave form and meaning to the settlements and to the societies that inhabited them. We argue that social continuities and anchors to the past can be constructed in many variable ways, and that direct spatial continuity of the house is but one.

During 1964, with the aid of funds again most generously granted by the Russell Trust, a profitable season was spent at Eski Gümüş. The work, which began on 18th July and closed on 31st August, was in charge of the Director, while Mrs. Gough undertook the administration. Amongst those who took part also were Mr. and Mrs. David Winfield, Mr. and Mrs. Timothy Mitford and Miss Jolanda Fletcher. Bay Muhittin Uysaldır, the representative of the Turkish Department of Antiquities, was once again an active and enthusiastic member of our team, while Bay İbrahim Öztürk, the Vali of Niğde, as usual saw to it that our working conditions were as comfortable as possible. Our object in 1964 was to continue and possibly to finish the cleaning and conservation of the paintings in the church, and in this aim we were largely successful. Only the late arrival of new cleaning agents more effective than those used before caused us to reassess the progress made and to decide on a further short season in 1965.

The earliest Christians of Phrygia were the nameless converts made by Paul the Apostle when he preached to a congregation of Jews and “Godfearing” gentiles (the latter being Greek or Greco-Phrygian incolae or cives of the colonia and Greek-speaking members of Roman colonial families in the synagogue at Colonia Caesareia Antiocheia in A.D. 49; and before Paul's death the Christian mission to Phrygia had been launched from bases both in the east (Iconium and Antioch) and in the west (Laodicea, Hierapolis and Colossae). Between the middle of the first and the end of the second century, five generations of Phrygian Christians (as Paul expressed it on the same occasion) “fell on sleep and were laid unto their fathers”—in surface family sepulchres along the roads outside the cities and in country graveyards throughout all the hellenised districts of Phrygia. During this period the strong conservatism of Phrygian sepulchral custom, reinforced by the prudence in the face of persecution or proscription held to be enjoined by Scripture (had not Jesus himself withdrawn into Gethsemane?), precluded the open display on tombstones—in all ages the consecrated tokens of sorrow and of hope—of any trace of the Christian profession.

The aim of the research presented in this paper was to find out more about Tarsus in the time of Sennacherib and his successors from a Mesopotamian standpoint, and to discover whether Assyrian influence persisted into subsequent periods.

Two fragments of text attributed to the Babylonian priest Berossus, who lived in Babylon under Antiochus I, have been transmitted by Eusebius and were attributed to Polyhistor and to Abydenus as intermediaries. They relate the deeds of Sennacherib in Cilicia. Both versions say that he built the city of Tarsus in the image of Babylon. Both versions say that Sennacherib defeated Ionians or Greeks in Cilicia. The version of Polyhistor claims that Sennacherib left a statue of himself in Cilicia with a record of his deeds inscribed in ‘Chaldaean’ script, and the text claims, in saying ‘as he (sc. Sennacherib) reports’, to be derived from a contemporary account of Sennacherib's deeds (Burstein 1978: 24 fn 79). Abydenus' version says that the king had his deeds inscribed truthfully and mentions that he built a ‘temple of the Athenians’ and erected bronze pillars.

This article presents a study of the political and military relations of the Kingdom of Georgia and the Muslims of Anatolia from the 12th century AD up to the Mongol conquest of the region in the mid 13th century. Georgia's expansion during the 12th century and the web of marriage alliance that the Muslim rulers of Anatolia wove to protect themselves drew her into conflict even with distant principalities with which she shared no border, such as the Artukids of Mardin. Meanwhile, Erzurum appears to have been obliged to acknowledge Georgian suzerainty for much of the 12th and early 13th centuries. In the 13th century, however, the Mongol threat forced the Seljuks of Rüm and Georgia to form an alliance, and Georgians came to form a significant part of the Seljuk army. This alliance was sealed with a marriage between the Seljuk sultan and a member of the Georgian ruling house, the Bagratids, and the Seljuks appear to have derived prestige from their association with the Bagratid dynasty.

Any attempt to reconstruct the proper chronological sequence of the military achievements of Tiglath-pileser III is greatly hampered by the fragmentary state of his annals uncovered during the century of excavations at Nimrud. Only portions of the text incised on sculptured stone slabs and designed to decorate the monarch's newly built palace have survived. Naturally, this deficiency has greatly enhanced the value of the non-annalistic records of Tiglath-pileser, namely the “summary” (or “display”) inscriptions written on stone slabs and clay tablets. Composed – like the annals – towards the very close of his reign, the texts of this genre relate the military exploits according to a geographical rather than strictly chronological sequence. The enumeration of the conquered lands usually adheres to a set order: it begins with the South (=Babylonia), proceeds to the East (=Namri and Media), then to the North (=Urartu and Ulluba), and concludes with the West (=from North Syria to the border of Egypt).

The topography and historical geography of Galatia, the area of central Anatolia which extended roughly from the modern Sivrihissar to Yozgat and which was occupied from the 3rd century B.C. by three Celtic tribes, is a subject which has remained obstinately obscure, despite its interest to Classical archaeologists and historians and to Celtic scholars. Progress in fixing the topography of the region after it became a Roman province in 25 B.C. has been made more readily, mainly thanks to two factors: first, the existence of an elaborate and important road system whose remains can still be traced on the ground, and second, the occasional find of inscriptions containing place names by which sites can be identified. No such assistance is available for the pre-Roman period, and, until comparatively recently, only three names could be placed on the map of independent Galatia without an accompanying question mark, Ancyra, Pessinus and Tavium which, under the Roman domination, became the capitals of the three Celtic tribes, the Tectosages, the Tolistobogii and the Trocmi. It was impossible to identify the other Galatian strongholds, which had disappeared from history after the organisation of the Roman province, with places named in the literary sources, even when their traces could be identified on the ground.

Perhaps the best known of all the aristocratic Lycian families is that of the Licinnii of Oenoanda, whose ramifications are set out in their genealogy (IGR. III, 500). This document, perhaps the most complete of its kind, not only reveals the complicated nexus of relationships forming the structure of such a family, but also provides much incidental information which demonstrates how its various members became prominent.

It seems probable that the earliest members of the family to bear Roman nomina, Licinnius Musaeus and Marcius Thoas, obtained the franchise under Nero and Vespasian respectively. Licinnius Musaeus will have received citizenship from the governor C. Licinnius Mucianus (a fact borne out by the name of Musaeus' grandson Mucianus), Marcius Thoas from Sextus Marcius Priscus, legatus Augusti pro praetore of Lycia and Pamphylia under Vespasian.

The first few generations of the enfranchised family produced a number of high-ranking officials of the Lycian Koinon, but were not otherwise especially significant. In the early stages of its history there was a good deal of intermarriage among members of this family—the product, perhaps, of a combination of insularity and social exclusiveness. Such marriage partners as were not chosen from within the family itself came from the higher strata of Lycian society, from families which were socially acceptable to the Licinnii and locally distinguished. For the majority of the Licinnii this remained the pattern for so long as we have any knowledge of them.

In 1989, the discovery and subsequent excavation of a sanctuary of Aphrodite at Zeytintepe, a low hill immediately adjacent to the metropolis of Miletos, confirmed what some scholars had long suspected — that worship of this goddess at the city dated back to the Archaic period. This article presents a brief outline of the evidence from these excavations together with a survey of the available evidence for the existence of cults of Aphrodite in Miletos' many colonies. Three conclusions are drawn: that Aphrodite was an important cult both in Miletos and in many of its colonies; that Aphrodite was worshipped as a sea goddess; and that there were local variations in the cult in these places.

The work this year at Can Hasan took place, as usual, in the autumn. Excavation began on 6th September and finished on 10th October. A further week was spent on the detailed work of planning, photography and pottery study. We employed this year, as in previous years, Veli Karaaslan as foreman, Rifat Çelimli, Mustafa Duman, and Bekir Kalaycı as ustas; from Menteş, we employed three men and from Canasun village five men. During the season, parts of the excavated area, which had not been completely covered, were filled in with earth from this year's excavation. At the end of the season only those areas where further work is planned remained open. The fence, of posts and wire, was repaired. The watchman now lives in the dig-house on the edge of the mound.

For this year there was a staff of twelve: Messrs. N. H. S. Kindersley, D. C. Biernoff, R. W. Dutton, S. Payne, and J. E. Reade, field assistants; Mr. I. J. Walls, architect; Mrs. D. C. Biernoff and the Misses M. A. White, T. Martin, V. Pemberton-Piggott, P. M. Pratt, and R. J. Worth, house assistants. In addition, Mr. Kindersley worked on photography and planning, Mr. Dutton assisted the architect, Mr. Biernoff took charge of the bone material and Mr. Payne of the obsidian. Mrs. Biernoff, Miss White, Miss Martin and Miss Pratt were conservators. Bay Hayrettin Solmaz of the Konya Museum represented the Turkish Government.

Tepecik and Tülintepe mounds are situated in the area of the reservoir of Keban dam, now completely flooded since 1974. Both mounds were located in Altınova plain about 31 and 21 km. respectively (by road) east of Elazıǧ in Eastern Turkey. The distance between the two mounds was about 9·5 km. as the crow flies. The rescue excavations at Tepecik were carried out in the years 1968–74 and at Tülintepe in 1971–74 (Esin 1975a, Esin 1975b).

Tepecik was settled from the Late Neolithic period and Tülintepe from Chalcolithic to Medieval times. The sites were situated only about 60 km. away from the important copper and lead mines of Ergani Maden and about 70 km. from the mines of Keban. These two mining regions have often been quoted in the literature as possible copper and lead sources in Turkey since prehistoric times (Tylecote 1976, Seeliger et al. 1985 and Wagner et al. 1986).

Following a three year survey in the Samsun region between 1971 and 1973, excavations started at İkiztepe, situated on the outskirts of İkiztepe village near Bafra town, in 1974. The results obtained from the excavations since 1993 demonstrate that the Bafra region was also settled during the Late Iron Age (Bilgi 1995: 142; 1996: 157; 1997: 145).

Intensive survey and subsequent excavations located no settlements at İkiztepe after the first quarter of the second millennium BC. A monumental tomb from the Hellenistic period, however, was found at Tepe I (fig 1. Alkım et al 1988: 85-7). In addition to this tomb, comprising a dromos and two chambers built of cut stone blocks, traces of a settlement with pottery (figs 23, 27:3-6, 27:13-14) and small metal objects (figs 2-4) were found during excavations on the northern slope of Tepe I (Bilgi 1985: 55-6, pls 12-15).

Aşıklı Hüyük, a large Aceramic Neolithic mound in the Melendizsuyu valley, some 25 km. SE of Aksaray (prov. Niğde), was visited in 1964 by Ian Todd, who collected a very large quantity of obsidian tools and flakes from the surface, and, at the same time, was able to collect samples including animal bones, charcoal and seeds from a large section cut by the river into the side of the mound (Todd 1966). The obsidian industry suggested a date earlier than Çatal Hüyük East, and this was confirmed by a series of five 14C dates between 7008±130 bc and 6661±108 bc (using the 5568±30 yr half-life) (Todd 1968, Stuckenrath and Lawn 1969). The site is therefore of great interest, being one of the earliest mound sites in Turkey. Its size (c. 250 m. across and 8 m. in height) suggests a lengthy permanent settlement; its location is well-suited for agriculture and animal husbandry (Todd 1980).

Oinoanda's most famous and, many would say, most precious possession is the massive Greek inscription, which, probably in the first half of the second century AD, was set up by a citizen named Diogenes, who must have been both wealthy and influential. ‘Having reached the sunset of life’, he used the wall of a stoa to advertise the moral benefits of Epicurean philosophy not only to his fellow-citizens, but also to foreign visitors, and not only to his contemporaries, but also to future generations. In fulfilment of his philanthropic mission he expounded Epicurus' teachings on physics, epistemology, and ethics in writings which may have occupied 260m2 of wall-space and contained 25,000 words. The work, as well as being remarkable as an epigraphic colossus, is a valuable source of information about one of the most important philosophies in the Hellenistic and Roman periods.

Eighty-eight fragments of Diogenes' inscription were found by French and Austrian epigraphists between 1884 and 1895. I took up the search in 1968–73, discovering 38 new fragments and rediscovering most of the 19th-century finds. My work led on to the topographical and epigraphical survey, sponsored by the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara (BIAA) and directed by the late Alan S Hall in 1974–75–76–77–81–83 — a survey which not only revealed more of Diogenes' work, but also yielded other epigraphical finds and, thanks above all to the work of James J. Coulton, significantly increased our knowledge of Oinoanda's history and buildings.

The fifth season of excavation at Beycesultan took place in May and June of 1958. In addition to the Director and Mr. James Mellaart, the staff included Mr. David Wilson (Institute joint-scholar for 1958), Mrs. Selina Tomlin as architect and Bay Osman Aksoy representing the Turkish Government. In this season two main tasks remained to be completed. One of these was the clearance of a large religious building, of the “Burnt Palace” period (Level V), one corner of which had been uncovered in 1957, beneath the Late Bronze Age shrines in Area “R”. The other was the completion of the deep sounding (“SX”) in the Chalcolithic levels, begun in 1957. Mr. Mellaart took charge of this latter operation and has summarised the results in a separate section of this report. Those of his own 1958 excavations at Hacılar, near Burdur, whose stratigraphical implications are closely related, also appear elsewhere.

A second season of work at Can Hasan took place between 10th September and 10th October with nine days at the end to complete the final cleaning of the site and the registering of the finds. As last year, we employed three trained men from Beycesultan and ten unskilled men from the village.

In addition to myself and my wife, the staff included Mr. N. H. S. Kindersley, field assistant; Messrs. R. Fonseca and I. Walls, architects; Mr. R. E. Oakley, field assistant; and Misses A. C. Cruikshank, C. MacLucas and A. Searight, pottery assistants. Bay Hayrettin Solmaz of the Konya Museum represented the Turkish Government.

The churches of Ispir and Bayburt, standing in dominant positions in the castles which command these towns, inevitably prompt the question “Who built them?” A final answer cannot be given until the two sites are excavated or documentary sources are discovered, but the circumstantial evidence, both historical and stylistic, provides a number of indications for their origin.

Both Ispir and Bayburt stand in an area which has always been a marcher land, and in the Byzantine period it was in dispute many times between the Armenians, the Georgians and the Byzantine Empire, with the Persians and Arabs, and later the Turks also making their claims in the area. Ispir castle stands on a rock dominating the middle reaches of the River Çoruh, the Acampsis or Boas of the Ancients, and apart from commanding a part of the river valley which is wide and fertile, it is more or less a half-way halt for the direct route northwards from Erzurum across the Pontic mountains to the sea at Rize.

This essay seeks to rehistoricise the birth of liberalism in Turkey with the aim of bringing an alternative interpretation to its historiography and throwing some light upon its characteristics, past and present. In contrast to recent comments on liberalism in the Turkish context, it argues that there is an intellectual background of the liberal tradition in Turkey, and that understanding the characteristics of this background requires (1) the mapping out and examination of the key concepts used by liberal writers in the context of the general political lexicon of their times and (2) an intellectual excavation tracing the mostly western European origins of the ideas of Turkish liberals. This leads to the conclusion that early republicans in Turkey embraced a version of liberalism that has not been identified in previous attempts to historicise liberal Turkish thought.