Das anläßlich einer Versorgungskrise im pisidischen Antiochia erlassene Edikt des Statthalters L. Antistius Rusticus zählt zu den bekanntesten lateinischen Inschriften der römischen Kaiserzeit. Seit seiner Entdeckung und Veröffentlichung in den Jahren 1924 und 1925 wurde es in zahlreiche Auswahlsammlungen aufgenommen und wiederholt in moderne Sprachen übersetzt; kaum eine moderne Darstellung der Wirtschaftsgeschichte der römischen Kaiserzeit versäumt es, wenigstens am Rande auf das Edikt hinzuweisen. Indessen ist das Edikt längst nicht so gut erforscht, wie sein Bekanntheitsgrad vermuten lassen könnte: Zentrale Fragen seiner Interpretation werden in der Literatur zwar äußerst unterschiedlich beantwortet, doch niemals systematisch diskutiert. Schon bald nach Bekanntwerden der Inschrift konzentrierte sich das Interesse auf die Laufbahn des Antistius Rusticus, die seither immer wieder behandelt wurde und daher als so weit geklärt gelten kann, wie dies beim gegenwärtigen Stand unserer Kenntnisse überhaupt möglich erscheint. Als Dokument der Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte ist es jedoch seit der hitzigen Kontroverse der beiden Erstherausgeber David Robinson und William Ramsay nicht mehr zum Gegenstand einer Untersuchung gemacht worden. Dieses Versäumnis will der vorliegende Beitrag nachholen.

Professor Seton Lloyd's interest in all aspects of archaeology and his distinguished work both in Turkey and in the Diyala valley, Iraq, may justify the publication of this note on iron in Anatolia offered to him on the occasion of his 70th birthday. It was at Khafajah in 1931 that one of the earliest daggers with remains of a blade of terrestrial iron was discovered; the possible use of terrestrial rather than meteoric iron in Anatolia at the time of the Assyrian merchant colonies is discussed below.

The Kültepe text CCT 4 4a (lines 3, 23, 27, 38, 44) has been translated in the CAD (s.v. amūtu) and referred to by Garelli when discussing the meaning of the word amūtu and its Sumerian equivalent KÙ.AN.

The unanimity of opinion on the purposes and methods of the military expedition led by Cn. Manlius Vulso into Asia Minor in 189 B.C. arouses suspicion. Investigation shows a process of repetition of phrase and attitude traceable to the ancient sources, without any serious consideration of actual events. Thus Livy quotes a hostile description of Manlius as “a mercenary consul” who had conducted “a private piratical expedition” (38.45.8). Scullard, in more than one account, allows that he had “reduced to submission the Galatians… but he marred this necessary piece of police work by his cruelty and avarice”, and in it he “acquired a staggering amount of booty and money by systematic extortion and warfare”. This wholesale swallowing of the Livian account without any critical investigation is repeated by Errington, who has it that Manlius led “a major plundering expedition… primarily directed against the Gauls (Galatians), who had supported Antiochos, though he also passed through northern Caria, Lycia and Pisidia”.

The site of Olbasa was first identified by the discovery of two Latin imperial inscriptions near the modern village of Belenli in 1842 and even today the surviving evidence from Olbasa (including as it does both texts and coins) still belongs chiefly to the imperial period. Olbasa's prominence then stemmed from the fact that it was “refounded” by Augustus as a military colony. Very little has been pieced together of the history and development of the city prior to the arrival of the Romans and the present inscription, therefore, represents a large advance on our knowledge of Olbasa in the Hellenistic period as well as contributing to our understanding of developments in the region at large.

Modern research on the area of south-western Asia Minor now known as Lycia and Pisidia has been greatly assisted by the work of George Bean and Alan Hall both of whom published major articles containing topographical discussions and many previously unknown inscriptions. The Pisidian Survey Project led by Stephen Mitchell has also contributed greatly to our historical understanding of the region in both the Hellenistic and Roman periods by the archaeological studies conducted at the cities of Antioch by Pisidia, Sagalassos, Cremna and Ariassos.

Constructing and deconstructing public spaces in second-millennium BC Anatolia, the Near East and the Levant was not only a collaborative physical act but also involved deeply embodied ritual symbolism. This symbolism is materialised in the practice of conducting public foundation and termination rituals that unified individual memories in space and time, transforming the physical act into a collective memory: a process that contributed to the formation of political and cultural memory. The recent rescue excavations conducted by the Hatay Archaeological Museum at the hinterland site of Toprakhisar Höyük in Altinözü (in the foothills above the Amuq valley) add to the understanding of the practice of foundation and termination rituals during the Middle Bronze Age and how these moments may have contributed to the political and cultural memory of a rural community living away from the centre. The practice of foundation/termination rituals is archaeologically documented by caches of artefacts from votive contexts stratigraphically linked to the construction and termination of a Middle Bronze Age administrative structure.

It is now more than 140 years since archaeologists began dealing with the engraved Tridacna shells, whose distribution extended from Vulci in the west to Susa in the east, and from Memphis in the south to Gordion and Vulci in the north. Their number is growing constantly and is now approaching 100. This increase is the result not only of the publication of new finds or old museum material, which until now escaped the scholar's eyes, but also of the reclassification of four items, in the past said to be imitations made of various stones, as authentic Tridacna shells.

In this article I want to show that this is true not only with the complete Tridacna shells, but also of a sub-group of Tridacna shells cut into the shape of discs. I will try to prove that the items in this sub-group are indeed Tridacna shells by describing them and discussing their motives and distribution. I will not deal with questions such as the centre of manufacture, distributors, style etc. important as they are. These aspects will be discussed by me in detail in a separate publication which will treat the Tridacna shell group as a whole.

Hollows and “cup-marks”, i.e. small round depressions of various sizes, are associated with a number of Hittite and Neo-Hittite stone monuments. They are carved on the surface of the monuments and in the case of rock reliefs they are cut in the surface of the adjacent rock. This phenomenon, hitherto hardly noticed, is not accidental, and undoubtedly the hollows and cup-marks had a cultic function. It seems that various substances, probably liquids, were placed in them as part of the rituals practiced in connection with the monuments in question. In one or two cases the cup-marks are too small to have contained anything and they probably had solely a symbolic meaning.

I had the opportunity of studying these monuments during tours in Turkey in 1972. However, I could not visit all the known monuments, and thus the data presented here are probably incomplete. Although the appearance of hollows and cup-marks in connection with monuments seems to be a wide-spread phenomenon, it has to be stressed that many monuments are without them. I could find no hollows or cup-marks associated with the relief of the King's Gate at Bogazköy, in Eflatun Pinar, Gavurkale and the gate of Alaca Hüyük, on the statue at Fasillar, or on the bulls' base of the statue at Karatepe.

This article is chiefly concerned with the chronology of the Byzantine fortifications of Amastris, which are the subject of current research by the authors, but, in order to set the settlement at Amasra and its fortifications into their context in the Black Sea area, the present study must commence with a brief account of some aspects of the monuments and history of the city in the Hellenistic and Classical periods.

The present Turkish town of Amasra on the south coast of the Black Sea (Fig. 1; Pl. XXXVII a) occupies the site of the ancient city of Amastris which has a long history extending as least as far back as the period of Milesian colonisation in the Black Sea zone from the seventh century B.C. Like the more famous city of Sinope to the east, the settlement at Amasra stood on the isthmus of a peninsula projecting into the Black Sea. At Amasra the isthmus leads to the upstanding promontory rock, Zindan Kalesi (Dungeon Castle) on which part of the Byzantine fortification stands, and which protects the east harbour. The whole site is further protected by the closely adjacent island of Boz Tepe which encloses the northern side of the west harbour. The site was doubtless chosen for settlement because of its good natural harbours which, as will be seen, have been of central importance throughout the history of Amasra.

The death of Prof. R. Martin Harrrison in September 1992 only a fortnight after the completion of a successful fifth season at Amorium was a serious blow and a sad loss to the Amorium Project. Without his drive and enthusiasm it was difficult at times, especially during the winter of 1992/93, to see how the excavations could be continued. It is, therefore, a major achievement in itself that work resumed in the following summer, and that a report on the findings can be presented here.

The sixth season of excavations at Amorium lasted from 26th July until 3rd September during which time digging was carried out at four separate locations (Fig. 1). A further six days were spent conducting a regional survey on behalf of the Ministry of Culture as part of a larger scheme to collate and register sites and antiquities throughout the whole of Turkey. The team comprised Dr. C. S. Lightfoot (Director), Dr. E. A. Ivison (Sub-Director and Byzantinist), Dr. M. H. Ballance (Epigrapher), K. L. Barker (Conservator), L. S. Bown (Ceramicist), Dr. M. A. V. Gill (Glass Specialist), P. M. Cox, S. Farid, N. Mestci, I. Sjöström-Welsby and R. E. Turnbull (Archaeologists), S. F. Young (Student Assistant) and O. Kızılkılıç (Accountant). Four students from the Department of Archaeology and History of Art at Bilkent University also took part in the excavations: they were Mercan Araydin, Deniz Atilla Mustafa Eren and Tuğba Tanyeri. The government representative was Mrs. Jale Dedeoğlu from the İzmir Archaeological Museum.

In 1991 a crew of American, Canadian, and Turkish researchers began a new and comprehensive survey in the Muş Province of Eastern Turkey. The goal of the survey was to study the evolution of settlement and landuse in a marginal zone at the intersection of four great culture areas of the Middle East: Central Anatolia, Western Iran, the Transcaucasus, and Mesopotamia.

This area of Eastern Turkey had been visited previously by I. K. Kökten in 1940s (1947) and Charles Burney in 1950s (1958). Given the large area these surveyors covered and their limited means of transportation, and given the newly excavated material coming from north of the great Taurus mountain massif and from Van (e.g., Sagona 1994, Sagona et al 1992, Çilingiroğlu 1987, 1988), a more comprehensive effort appeared warranted. The first season was six weeks in duration. During that time we re-visited 17 of the sites found by Kökten and Burney, and located 11 new sites. A second season was launched in 1993 with the aim of covering areas not surveyed previously (see Figure 1), mostly in the northern foothills and higher elevations near Hamurpet Lake. Unfortunately, conditions did not permit us to do a second season, nor is a season in the very near future likely. We, therefore, will be publishing the results we have already arrived at, aware that our sample is not complete.

Porsuk is strategically situated in the northern foothills of the Taurus mountains (see map, fig 1), controlling one of the most important passes between Cilicia and the Anatolian plateau. It seems that this area, which was in the sphere of Hittite culture during the Late Bronze Age, turns towards the southern regions of Cilicia during Porsuk period IV. We shall firstly re-examine the evidence for the Early Iron Age at Porsuk in the light of recent discoveries from a number of other sites. We will then examine evidence that might demonstrate relations between Porsuk IV and Cilicia.

During subsequent centuries the situation seems to revert to that pertaining in the LBA: relations with the plateau tend to become more intense. From this point of view, we shall have a look at the Phrygian problem. Does this zone become a Phrygian protectorate with the rise of the Gordion state? Or are the exchanges between them only commercial or diplomatic? We shall try to give a preliminary shape to a possible answer by investigating the so-called ‘Phrygian’ evidence.

The chronology and sequence dating of the rich series of sculpture discovered at Carchemish remains a problem, even after 60 years of investigation, but it is generally recognised that Leonard Woolley exaggerated the antiquity of some of the orthostats and it is no longer possible to assign any of them to the second millennium B.C. On the contrary, many critics will now support Frankfort's view that none of this particular series of sculptures could have been executed without an awareness of neo-Assyrian art.

Frankfort's view is also shared by Akurgal who has judiciously assigned much of the Carchemish sculpture to a period ranging from the middle of the ninth to the latter half of the eighth century B.C. and has justified his sequence dating by reference to the development of sculpture at Zincirli where we have a sequence of carving which ranges from about 850–830 B.C. (Kilamu) or possibly a generation earlier, through Panammu I c. 790 B.C., Panammu II c. 760 B.C. and Bar-rakib c. 740 B.C.

In May–June 1952 I was able, through the guidance and with the generous assistance of Mr. Seton Lloyd, Director of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, to visit the monuments of Sumatar Harabesi on two occasions, the first for three days, the second for six days. The shortness of my stay there, the restricted circumstances under which I was operating and, above all, the lack of the equipment required to carry out a precise and satisfactory survey—all combined to allow no more than a comparatively superficial examination of the site. I have, nevertheless, ventured to present my preliminary findings here, until the opportunity may occur for at least a partial clearance of the site and a more detailed survey.

The earliest Christians of Phrygia were the nameless converts made by Paul the Apostle when he preached to a congregation of Jews and “Godfearing” gentiles (the latter being Greek or Greco-Phrygian incolae or cives of the colonia and Greek-speaking members of Roman colonial families in the synagogue at Colonia Caesareia Antiocheia in A.D. 49; and before Paul's death the Christian mission to Phrygia had been launched from bases both in the east (Iconium and Antioch) and in the west (Laodicea, Hierapolis and Colossae). Between the middle of the first and the end of the second century, five generations of Phrygian Christians (as Paul expressed it on the same occasion) “fell on sleep and were laid unto their fathers”—in surface family sepulchres along the roads outside the cities and in country graveyards throughout all the hellenised districts of Phrygia. During this period the strong conservatism of Phrygian sepulchral custom, reinforced by the prudence in the face of persecution or proscription held to be enjoined by Scripture (had not Jesus himself withdrawn into Gethsemane?), precluded the open display on tombstones—in all ages the consecrated tokens of sorrow and of hope—of any trace of the Christian profession.

One of the more important collections of Hellenistic terracotta in the British Museum is the selection of brazier attachments. These were added to the Museum at various dates from the mid-19th century onwards. What adds enormously to the value of the British Museum attachments is that they come from cities in different regions and that for each one its location has been systematically recorded in the Museum inventory. This information in conjunction with the type of attachment and the composition of the clay should make it possible to work out where they were made. Not only will the main centres of production for braziers then become evident, but at the same time, by looking at the towns where they were found, we shall be able to get some idea of Hellenistic trade routes between Mediterranean cities.

These Hellenistic braziers characteristically consist of a fire bowl with pierced bottom and three raised supports, carried on a stand with two loop handles and a large vent. The raised supports, conventionally known as attachments, are roughly rectangular in shape, with a spur below projecting towards the centre of the fire bowl. They characteristically have relief decoration on the inner face and sometimes on the reverse (outer side) as well. These braziers are light and portable. The fuel used was charcoal, which was placed in the bowl, and a draught was maintained through the holes at the bottom of the bowl and the vent in the stand. The stand is made of coarse, gritty terracotta, and is generally undecorated, but in a few cases we observe applied relief as decoration (fig 1).

In Antiquity the opinion was strongly held that the Etruscans came from Asia Minor, and in modern times their many connections with that country have long been self-evident.

There have been three theories about their origin; the oriental, the northern and the autochthonous. Of these even Pallottino, who favours the autochthonous theory, says that the oriental is the best known and the most widely accepted, though he rejects it on the ground that there is little evidence for a settlement in central Italy in the Bronze Age. Then, though he mentions the Teresh of the Egyptian monuments and the probability of the identity of that name with that of the Tyrsenoi, he passes on to a discussion of the Orientalising civilisation of the 8th and 7th centuries. In the same way Brandenstein discusses Herodotus' account of Tyrsenos and other similar records and the Turuscha (Teresh), yet later on uses the alphabet, the Urartian connections, etc., as evidence for the oriental origin of the Etruscans. But these of course belong to the 8th and 7th centuries not to the time of Tyrsenos and the Teresh.

The topography and historical geography of Galatia, the area of central Anatolia which extended roughly from the modern Sivrihissar to Yozgat and which was occupied from the 3rd century B.C. by three Celtic tribes, is a subject which has remained obstinately obscure, despite its interest to Classical archaeologists and historians and to Celtic scholars. Progress in fixing the topography of the region after it became a Roman province in 25 B.C. has been made more readily, mainly thanks to two factors: first, the existence of an elaborate and important road system whose remains can still be traced on the ground, and second, the occasional find of inscriptions containing place names by which sites can be identified. No such assistance is available for the pre-Roman period, and, until comparatively recently, only three names could be placed on the map of independent Galatia without an accompanying question mark, Ancyra, Pessinus and Tavium which, under the Roman domination, became the capitals of the three Celtic tribes, the Tectosages, the Tolistobogii and the Trocmi. It was impossible to identify the other Galatian strongholds, which had disappeared from history after the organisation of the Roman province, with places named in the literary sources, even when their traces could be identified on the ground.

During 1964, with the aid of funds again most generously granted by the Russell Trust, a profitable season was spent at Eski Gümüş. The work, which began on 18th July and closed on 31st August, was in charge of the Director, while Mrs. Gough undertook the administration. Amongst those who took part also were Mr. and Mrs. David Winfield, Mr. and Mrs. Timothy Mitford and Miss Jolanda Fletcher. Bay Muhittin Uysaldır, the representative of the Turkish Department of Antiquities, was once again an active and enthusiastic member of our team, while Bay İbrahim Öztürk, the Vali of Niğde, as usual saw to it that our working conditions were as comfortable as possible. Our object in 1964 was to continue and possibly to finish the cleaning and conservation of the paintings in the church, and in this aim we were largely successful. Only the late arrival of new cleaning agents more effective than those used before caused us to reassess the progress made and to decide on a further short season in 1965.

In presenting the following study for publication in honour of Professor O. R. Gurney, it is our hope that one who has made generous contributions to the growing corpus of Akkadian medical texts, and who has long been interested in the place and purpose of magical figurines in ritual texts, will look with favour upon a contribution which involves both fields. The paper has been written by the second author from a basic manuscript of the selected text contributed by the first; and this happy circumstance allows us also, however marginally, to associate our work with the name of Benno Landsberger, for the text is one which was studied jointly by Landsberger and Mrs Ritter during his last years. There can be no doubt at all that Landsberger would have been pleased to participate in a Festschrift honouring one of his own students, and in a sense three generations of scholarship are represented in this study.

Excavations at the coastal Cilician city of Anemurium (Eski Anamur) have recently brought to light a significant well-deposit containing pottery, lamps, coins and miscellaneous metal objects. The well appears to have been deliberately filled in on one occasion for reasons that we cannot now ascertain. The homogeneous nature of the deposit is indicated by the fact that joining sherds come indiscriminately from all levels in the deposit. Since all the pieces from any one vessel are generally not present and the majority of sherds are body sherds from amphorae for which there are no necks, handles or bases, it would seem that those charged with the task of filling in the well took whatever was closest to hand for their work and it is quite fortuitous that almost whole vessels came to be included in the deposit.

The terminus post quem for the act of filling in the well is provided by two coins of Heraclius belonging to the years A.D. 629–630 and 630–631. The evidence of coins also points to widespread abandonment of the city c. A.D. 660, although the appearance of a few coins belonging to the last decades of the seventh century seems to indicate a limited degree of continued occupation.