This chapter analyzes the relationship between political Islam and democratic attitudes, especially the link between ideology, public understandings of democracy and evaluations of democratic performance. It shows that the structure of conceptions of democracy in Indonesia is more complex than assumed. While most Indonesians think of democracy in liberal-egalitarian terms, others appear to subscribe to a participatory view of democracy. It further demonstrates that such conceptions of democracy are related both with political Islam and with evaluations of democratic performance. First, Islamists are systematically less likely to endorse a liberal understanding of democracy, and those who hold a liberal-egalitarian view of democracy are more likely to be dissatisfied with democracy. Second, respondents who understand participation as being an essential aspect of democracy are more, not less, satisfied with democracy in Indonesia. This chapter therefore shows that political Islam informs how ordinary people understand democracy and evaluate its performance in Indonesia.

This chapter concludes the book. It summarizes the findings and discusses their implications for democracy in Indonesia and elsewhere. In addition, it addresses some open questions that intersect with the argument, most importantly with regard to democratic representation, participation and accountability.

This chapter jointly studies elite and mass survey data to probe whether political Islam functions as the main avenue for representation in Indonesia. It analyzes patterns of substantive representation both on economic and social-religious issues, first by looking at how the distribution of preferences among the political elite corresponds with the mass public, and then more specifically at the role played by political parties as avenues of democratic representation. The findings show that, while a substantial degree of ideological congruence between politicians and voters can be observed on political Islam, the opposite is true for economic policy. By leveraging a survey experiment, I further probe the extent to which public preferences about political Islam are pliable to partisan considerations, as I find that partisan individuals may change their position on political-religious issues in response to elite cues. This chapter thus documents that democracy in Indonesia has provided a substantial degree of ideological representation, and that political parties, while deficient in other respects, have performed an essential (if imperfect) democratic function in this domain.

This chapter examines aggregate electoral returns to measure the influence of the political Islam cleavage on voting behavior in contemporary Indonesia. Existing research suggests that electoral behavior is driven primarily by patronage, candidate traits and evaluations of government performance rather than ideological and partisan considerations. Yet existing studies do not analyze the full spectrum of available electoral returns (both over time and across district) to reach such conclusions. As a result, our understanding of how deep-seated partisan affiliations rooted in political Islam have shaped voting behavior since democratization is incomplete. A quantitative analysis of district-level electoral returns from five legislative elections indicates that electoral geography today presents important continuities with the first democratic election of 1955, when politics was highly ideological and polarized. Furthermore, a longitudinal analysis indicates that the importance of historical partisan affiliations as a driver of voting behavior, after plummeting in the 2009 elections, has increased significantly in recent years.

This chapter moves to public opinion with an analysis of various surveys specifically designed to investigate perceptions of political Islam among ordinary citizens. First, it leverages the Indonesia National Survey Program dataset to show that ordinary people, like politicians, are divided in their views of political Islam, and it investigates various sociodemographic factors that are associated with this cleavage. Drawing from the same data, it further shows that political Islam is associated with participation and partisanship. It then analyzes a more focused survey conducted with an online sample to first explore the relationship between political Islam and national identity and, second, between Islam and populism, a key feature of contemporary Indonesian politics. The data analyzed in this chapter portrays a comprehensive figure of political Islam as perceived by the mass public, and to show that this cleavage is associated with a specific conception of national identity. To a certain extent, political Islam is also associated with policy preferences in important policy domains such as fiscal policy and decentralization, and with populist understandings of politics.

This chapter leverages micro-level data to ascertain if, and to what extent, political Islam indeed functions as an ideological cleavage that structures political competition in Indonesia. More specifically, it analyzes a survey of about 500 Indonesian legislators. While scholars of Indonesian politics acknowledge that ideological competition in this country is grounded in the political Islam cleavage, the degree to which politicians and political parties are differentiated on the issue of state-Islam relations is an open question. This study is the first attempt to systematically measure party positions on political Islam with a survey of political elites, and it shows that, while party positions are barely distinguishable on fiscal and economic policy, Indonesian parties are indeed clearly differentiated in their views of the role of Islam in public affairs. This evidence corroborates the foundations of the book’s argument, as it shows that party ideological differentiation on political Islam is sufficient to allow for meaningful representation.

Abstract: As a geopolitical unit, Taiwan encompasses the island of Taiwan and the Penghu (Pescadores) Islands, as well as the Mazu (Matsu) and Jinmen (Kinmen) islands off the coast of mainland China. Its official name is the Republic of China. From an international legal standpoint, it is not at all clear whether Taiwan, as it has just been described, is a sovereign state, part of a state, or a completely distinct entity. An array of opinions on this topic has emerged among scholars of international law. The following article presents some of the critical issues surrounding the legal status of Taiwan.

Keywords: legal status, international recognition

Introduction: The Taiwanese Problem during and after World War II

Taiwan came under Japanese rule through the Treaty of Shimonoseki of April 17, 1895 under the island's erstwhile name – Formosa. Under the terms of the Treaty, Imperial China ceded sovereignty over the island to Japan perpetually, along with the Pescadores Islands and all of their fortifications, their arsenal, and publicly owned property (Article II).

As part of the Cairo Declaration of November 26, 1943, the heads of state of the Republic of China, the United States, and Great Britain announced their intention to return all territories that had formerly belonged to the Republic of China and that Japan had taken by force. Manchuria, Formosa, and the Pescadores Islands were named explicitly in the Declaration. The subsequent Potsdam Declaration defined the circumstances of unconditional surrender of the Japanese forces to the Allies; henceforth, the sovereignty of Japan would be circumscribed to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku, and minor islands determined at a later date. Japan accepted these conditions of surrender without question on September 2, 1945.

In accordance with the Supreme Allied Commander's order, the Japanese forces that remained in mainland China and Taiwan surrendered to the Chinese army following the Potsdam Declaration. In October of 1945, Taiwan was already under restored Chinese rule and promptly became a province of China. On January 12, 1946, a decree was passed that reinstated Chinese citizenship for all inhabitants of Taiwan.

Abstract: This chapter aims to address the question of the extent to which Taiwan's transformation and practice of democracy is exceptional. It is argued that in terms of the sources, process and outcomes of its political transformation and democratic development to date, Taiwan is indeed unique. In terms of sources, there are three major traditions supporting the claim that Taiwan's democracy is uniquely constructed. In addition, Taiwan's diplomatic isolation propelled it in various ways to pursue deeper democratization so as to maintain or strengthen its support and legitimacy. For the process dimension, in a Taiwanese-versus-mainlander bi-communal context, until the early 1990s, there was a transformation from a control model toward consociationalism. There is also a growing tendency to move further toward Lijphart's Majoritarian model of democracy. Coupled with the disconnection of the external dimensions of state-building from the internal ones, the overall process is exceptional. Insofar as the outcome or ‘end condition’ of democratic development is concerned, Taiwan has had certain achievements. Among them, the realization of an international review of its national human rights report as well as extending protection for LGBT rights are pioneering steps that testify further to Taiwan's exceptionalism. Nevertheless, there are also challenges ahead. These challenges include strengthening rule of law on the institutional side, ‘blackgold politics’ (political corruption), polarization of party politics, media and over-politicization in some policy areas, an increasing disaffection toward democracy, vested interests and monopolization of power resources in several sectors, incomplete protection of rights, the China factor, the Trump factor, and the reconcilability of Confucianism and Western individualism. These problems, if unaddressed, might constrain Taiwanese democracy from developing further to its full extent. Specifically, the status quo or exceptional ‘sovereignty deficit’ condition in which Taiwan is embroiled means that the exercise of self-determination by the Taiwanese would be virtually prohibited to such an extent that there is a ‘glass ceiling’ capping Taiwan's practice of democracy.

Keywords: exceptionalism in Taiwanese democracy, control, consociationalism, Majoritarianism, sovereignty deficit

Abstract: This chapter introduces readers to the book. It first elucidates a belief shared by all of its authors concerning Taiwan's exceptionalism in two areas – external and internal affairs. Second, it looks at the literature on the unique situation of Taiwan in the landscape of international affairs and its consequences for the island, with particular attention to the state of research on this topic in Poland. Finally, it presents the structure and content of this volume.

Keywords: Taiwan, China, international recognition, international status, sovereignty, South China Sea, UNCLOS, United States, cross-Strait relations, soft power, diplomacy, democratization, Sunflower Movement, civil society, indigenous tourism, sustainable tourism, ecotourism, environmental awareness

Introduction

Take a look at the political map of the world and you will see that almost every piece of land belongs to a state. This division – in contrast, for example to the split created by a valley between two mountains – is man-made, imaginary and arbitrary, and therefore can be easily questioned. Indeed, in addition to the multiple disputed borders that permeate the world map, some countries are not recognized or partially recognized. Other states decide whether a certain political unit can be recognized as sovereign. Again, even though their decision concerns imaginary divisions created by borders, accepting or rejecting them has far-reaching consequences in real life. The unrecognized country remains excluded from a club of sovereign states, which makes cooperation with its members very difficult or even impossible. It has no choice but to invent novel ways to conduct external relations. Moreover, this specific international situation has a major impact on its politics, people's lifestyles, culture, etc.

This book is about such an exceptional entity in the international community of states – Taiwan. Taiwan is a small island that covers an area of 35,883 km2 and lies nearly 180 km off the southeastern coast of mainland China across the Taiwan Strait. Its surface is approximately 395 km long from north to south and 145 km across at its widest point. Its landscapes are captivating. No wonder the Portuguese sailor navigating towards Japan in 1542 called this land Ilha Formosa – “beautiful island.”

Abstract: Conflict analysis in the South China Sea brings up several fundamental questions. First, can these disputes truly escalate into armed conflict among the states involved? Second, are the instruments and rules of conduct employed in the region effective in conflict management and will they enable the sides to achieve common ground – or will the conflict simmer in perpetuity? Third, will the countries involved in the disputes respect international law and act in accordance with the accepted rules and regulations, or will they take an instrumental, ad-hoc approach to them and break them at their whim and fancy? The South China Sea is a hotbed of rivalry not only among the countries of the region, but perhaps especially between China and the United States. It is important to conduct a closer examination of Taiwan's role in this geopolitical game. We find that Taiwan's unique political and legal status transforms the South China Sea dispute and the careful management thereof into a true matter of “to be or not to be.” Realizing the importance of its maritime interests, Taiwan should be more active in upholding them; however, it should also ensure that its foreign relations with other claimant and non-claimant states remain positive and its initiatives for cooperation remain feasible. Taiwan should send a clear massage reaffirming its commitment to abide by the principles of international maritime law, placing emphasis on its role as a regional peacemaker, leader in regional cooperation, and responsible stakeholder.

Keywords: South China Sea, disputes, international role, UNCLOS

Introduction

The situation in the South China Sea has been quite stable for many years. The countries that are directly involved in the long-standing dispute have turned their attention to domestic problems. The presence of the U.S. Navy in the area has also been an important stabilizing factor. Moreover, the People's Republic of China did not take any significant steps on this issue for a number of years. For a long time, the PRC was unable to successfully push for its own claims on a wider scale. Recently, however, the situation has changed – a fact that cannot be separated from recent changes in China's perception of its own security. It seems that China has shifted its attention from mostly land-based military threats to challenges to its authority at sea.

Abstract: Taiwan's external relations are ‘exceptional.’ Due to the island's contested international status and limited recognition, public diplomacy often provides Taipei with the only channel to conduct external affairs through the soft-power resources it enables. Therefore, in order to assess the island's foreign policies, it is crucial to understand its soft power capacity.

This chapter analyzes the challenges to the exercise of Taiwan's soft power as well as its effects in selected Polish dailies. First, it looks for themes that may enable and disable Taiwan's soft power in the scholarly literature and documents released by Taipei's govermental actors. Second, it examines whether these themes pertaining to the island were present in two Polish dailies – “Gazeta Wyborcza” and “Rzeczpospolita” – during a one-year period from November 1, 2016 to October 31, 2017. The newspaper analysis aims to reveal narratives that are alternative to those promoted publicly and that are related to the image of Taiwan, other significant international actors, and Taiwanese governmental as well as non-state executors of public policy, all of which may contribute to an enabling or disabling environment for Taipei's soft power. It applies techniques and methods from media research and discourse analysis.

Keywords: public diplomacy, soft power, Taiwan diplomacy, newspaper analysis

Introduction

Taiwanese diplomacy is ‘exceptional’ due to the island's contested international status. Taiwan is not recognized by the majority of the states of the world and, for this reason, its international space is severely limited. Currently, it enjoys formal diplomatic relations with only 14 countries and the Holy See and cannot become a member of the foremost international organizations, particularly those where statehood is a prerequisite. As a consequence, Taipei's politicians and administrations responsible for the conduct of foreign affairs must show a great deal of ingenuity to utilize the traditional diplomatic tools of sovereign states, such as propaganda or diplomatic and economic statecraft. One must admit that Taipei has been very creative in its diplomatic endeavors by inventing “pragmatic diplomacy,” “dollar diplomacy,” “holiday diplomacy,” “academic diplomacy,” “flexible diplomacy,” “substantive diplomacy,” “medical diplomacy,” “viable diplomacy,” etc.