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Chapter 5 studies the experiences of enslaved individuals and their families outside of the convent and textile mill. By focusing on the elite residence, I suggest that the enslaved are better understood as members of domestic communities that had differing claims to honor, autonomy and trust. The chapter highlights the experiences of a tri-generational slave family living in the household of an important political figure during the years before and after the 1612 conspiracy. It also draws important gender-based distinctions that partially explain the movements of runaway slaves from Puebla and the accompanying fears of slave rebellion. The second half of the chapter focuses on the Carmona Bran family to explain how enslaved families negotiated their bondage and freed individual members whenever possible. The final section of the chapter addresses the growth of Puebla's free-born community of African descent in relation to the local parish and racially-specific confraternities. I argue that the local parish was a far more effective avenue to freedom than manumission or flight. This is last point is examined in relation to the Pantoja Ibañez family and their legitimate children.
The Epilogue suggests that slavery was still a reality for thousands of people at the start of the eighteenth century. However, the Afro-Poblano families of the seventeenth century eroded the pillars of slaveholder power in an irreversible manner by 1700. Through free birth, multiracial alliances, and investment in the local parish and market, Afro-Poblanos effectively contested the boundaries of their enslavement in the city. However, far more research needs to be done to properly understand African and Asian participation in the city's confraternities. Future research is also needed to properly link the urban families with their rural counterparts in Izúcar, Chietla, Tehuacán and Córdoba.
Chapter 1 focuses on Puebla's foundation in 1531-1532 and explains the almost immediate demand for coerced labor despite an ideological aversion to slavery in the founders' vision. Using the earliest municipal records available, the chapter analyzes the implications of the 1536 ordinance restricting black men from entering the colonial marketplace (tianguis). Ordinances of these kind set the ideological bases for broader laws preventing afro-indigenous interactions. The chapter then shifts into the analysis of the Caja de Negros, a local slave register which intended to keep track of every enslaved person over the age of 14. Analysis of the an extant copy of the Caja suggests that a sizeable and enslaved population of African descent lived in Puebla by the early 1550s. The chapter concludes with an examination of the emerging cultural demand for permanent black servants in a city surrounded by densely-populated indigenous settlements (Cholula, Tlaxcala, Huexotzingo, etc.).
Chapter 4 provides the first systematic study of the Puebla slave market for the seventeenth century (1600-1700). Based on thousands of bills of slave purchase, I demonstrate how Portuguese slaving intermediaries (encomenderos de negros) expedited the slave trade between Nueva Veracruz, Puebla and Mexico City in the 1616-1639 period. The activities of these men and their extension of credit streamlined the forced arrival of thousands of West Central African captives to Puebla. Based on notarial data, the Puebla market was strongly linked to Luanda (Angola), but also to Cartagena de Indias (modern-day Colombia). This examination also provides some of the first Puebla-specific information on the transpacific slave trade by way of the Manila Galleon. Ultimately, the chapter demonstrates that Poblanos slaveholders never satiated their demand for enslaved servants. A number of failed initiatives doomed the transatlantic and intra-Caribbean slave trade after 1640. However, during the 1680s, the local market recovered to high levels mostly based on the sales of American-born slaves and a smaller group of Lower Guinean captives (Arara, Mina, Popo, etc.).
Using the city of Puebla de los Ángeles, the second-largest urban center in colonial Mexico (viceroyalty of New Spain), Pablo Miguel Sierra Silva investigates Spaniards' imposition of slavery on Africans, Asians, and their families. He analyzes the experiences of these slaves in four distinct urban settings: the marketplace, the convent, the textile mill, and the elite residence. In so doing, Urban Slavery in Colonial Mexico advances a new understanding of how, when, and why transatlantic and transpacific merchant networks converged in Central Mexico during the seventeenth century. As a social and cultural history, it also addresses how enslaved people formed social networks to contest their bondage. Sierra Silva challenges readers to understand the everyday nature of urban slavery and engages the rich Spanish and indigenous history of the Puebla region while intertwining it with African diaspora studies.
In the film Coronel Delmiro Gouveia (1978), Brazilian director Geraldo Sarno uses historical fiction about “the coronel of coronéis” to negotiate the limits of government censorship and discuss the domestic and international policies of the military dictatorship, including its relationship to the state cinema enterprise Embrafilme, through a portrayal of a progressive but authoritarian businessman of the sertão who died in Brazil’s first global war of the twentieth century. The film is one of the few Brazilian films about the country’s oft-overlooked role in World War I. Close analysis of the work reveals Sarno’s deft use of allegory for social commentary on class conflict and the film industry.
Coinciding with the shift to the left in Latin American politics, regional integration in Latin America accelerated during the last two decades. Yet, whereas support for European integration has been tracked systematically for decades, trend analyses of public opinion on Latin American integration are still missing. Combining data from eight Latinobarometer surveys on 106,590 respondents from seventeen South and Central American countries, this article provides the first longitudinal analysis of Latin Americans’ support for their continent’s economic and political integration. Using multilevel mixed-effects logistic regression, we reveal intra- and intersocietal trends and cleavages. Our results show that support rates are generally declining from high initial levels. Furthermore, while gender and educational gaps in public opinion remained stable over time, considerable shifts occurred with regard to political orientation: starting from the lowest initial values, the left surpassed the right—and, at least in the case of support for political integration, also the center—to become the political wing favoring integration most highly. This finding shows, contrary to prevailing ideas, that the political center is not necessarily the primary supporter of integration. When regionalism is increasingly driven by left-wing governments, public support for regional integration may also swing to the left.
Private Wealth and Public Revenue in Latin America: Business Power and Tax Politics. By Tasha Fairfield. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. viii + 333. $99.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781107088375.
Evo’s Bolivia: Continuity and Change. By Linda C. Farthing and Benjamin H. Kohl. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 227. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780292758681.
The State and the Private Sector in Latin America: The Shift to Partnership. By Mauricio A. Font. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. Pp. vii + 291. $100.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780230111400.
Partisan Investment in the Global Economy: Why the Left Loves Foreign Direct Investment and FDI Loves the Left. By Pablo M. Pinto. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Pp. xi + 288. $34.99 paper. ISBN: 9781107617360.
Enduring Reform: Progressive Activism and Private Sector Responses in Latin America’s Democracies. Edited by Jeffrey W. Rubin and Vivienne Bennett. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 261. $15.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822963165.
Reinventing the Left in the Global South: The Politics of the Possible. By Richard Sandbrook. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 294. $34.99 paper. ISBN: 9781107421097.
Democratic Chile: The Politics and Policies of a Historic Coalition, 1990–2010. Edited by Kirsten Sehnbruch and Peter M. Siavelis. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2014. Pp. vii + 375. $69.95 cloth. ISBN: 9781588268730.
Political economy theory expects that changes in macroeconomic governance are often catalyzed by institutional factors, such as partisanship, elections, or International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditionality. I challenge and contextualize this view by incorporating the role of technocratic advisors into a domestic policy-making framework. I contend that presidents from countries with crisis legacies are more likely to appoint mainstream economists that pursue budget discipline. Employing an originally constructed dataset, the Index of Economic Advisors, I conduct an econometric test of sixteen Latin American countries from 1961 to 2011. I find that politicians are most likely to appoint mainstream economists who embrace fiscal rectitude in countries with inflation-crisis legacies. Furthermore, these crisis legacies are enduring given the severity of inflationary trauma relative to other types of domestic economic volatility in Latin America. In fact, these effects hold when controlling for both historical and contemporaneous shocks to unemployment.
O presente artigo se insere na linha de estudos sobre a baixa presença de mulheres na política brasileira. Nesse trabalho, testamos se a eleição de uma prefeita aumenta o número de mulheres disputando o próximo pleito para a prefeitura no mesmo município. A análise deste efeito contágio dialoga com outros trabalhos cujo foco é o momento da apresentação e seleção de candidatas como um dos filtros decisivos para viabilizar a eleição de mais mulheres em disputas eleitorais. Esse estudo tem como base de dados as eleições municipais para prefeito no Brasil entre 2000 e 2012. Chegamos à conclusão de que nos municípios em que houve a eleição de uma prefeita a probabilidade de ter candidatas lançando-se pela primeira vez na próxima eleição é 1,8 vezes maior em comparação com a última disputa eleitoral. Outra constatação é a de que os homens que concorrem ao pleito reagem de forma diferente à eleição de uma mulher. A pesquisa sugere também que, além de fatores mais conhecidos, como arranjos institucionais ou condicionantes socioeconômicos, eventos chaves, como a vitória de mulheres em eleições majoritárias, desencadeiam mecanismos de retroalimentação que resultam na ampliação do espaço das mulheres na política.
Side Effects: Mexican Governance under NAFTA’s Labor and Environmental Agreements. By Mark Aspinwall. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 209. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780804782302.
Toxic Injustice: A Transnational History of Exposure and Struggle. By Susanna Rankin Bohme. Oakland: University of California Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 343. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9780520278998.
Rubble: The Afterlife of Destruction. By Gastón R. Gordillo. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. xi + 315. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822356196.
Unearthing Conflict: Corporate Mining, Activism, and Expertise in Peru. By Fabiana Li. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 265. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822358312.
Engineering Mountain Landscapes: An Anthropology of Social Investment. Edited by Laura L. Scheiber and María Nieves Zedeño. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 201. $45.00 paper. ISBN: 9781607814337.
Native Wills from the Colonial Americas: Dead Giveaways in a New World. Edited by Mark Christensen and Jonathan Truitt. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 276. $55.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781607814160.
Strange Lands and Different Peoples: Spaniards and Indians in Colonial Guatemala. By W. George Lovell, Christopher H. Lutz, with Wendy Kramer and William R. Swezey. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 339. $34.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780806143903.
Indians and the Political Economy of Colonial Central America, 1670–1810. By Robert W. Patch. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 284. $36.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780806144009.
The Mixtecs of Oaxaca: Ancient Times to the Present. By Ronald Spores and Andrew K. Balkansky. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2013. Pp. xvi + 328. $45.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780806143811.
Emotions and Daily Life in Colonial Mexico. Edited by Javier Villa-Flores and Sonya Lipsett-Rivera. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 257. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9780826354624.
In Harm’s Way: the Dynamics of Urban Violence. By Javier Auyero and María Fernanda Berti. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 239. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780691164779.
Violence at the Urban Margins. Edited by Javier Auyero, Philippe Bourgois, and Nancy Scheper-Hughes. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 323. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780190221454.
Bruno: Conversations with a Brazilian Drug Dealer. By Robert Gay. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 219. $23.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822358497.
The Spectacular Favela: Violence in Modern Brazil. By Erika Robb Larkins. Oakland: University of California Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 231. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9780520282773.
Cities, Business, and the Politics of Urban Violence in Latin America. By Eduardo Moncada. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 219. $65.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780804794176.
Living with Insecurity in a Brazilian Favela: Urban Violence and Daily Life. By R. Ben Penglase. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 2014. Pp. ix + 197. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780813565439.