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Uneven Social Policies analyzed policies that represent a breakthrough in the expansion of social protection. These policies have the potential to improve the well-being of the population yet do not reach everyone in need. The missing link between policy design and transformative outcomes in the welfare state literature is the implementation of policies. One of the main contributions of this book is to highlight how the interaction between national and subnational politics shapes implementation patterns. In a world in which subnational officials are increasingly elected and no longer appointed, national executives should expect that they will face opposition from mayors and governors. One way to promote cooperation across subnational levels is through blurring the attribution of responsibility of national policies. While clarity of responsibility may increase the popularity of a leader and her party, it decreases the chances of that policy succeeding in opposition subnational units. To exhibit the generalizability of the theory on social policy implementation, political alignments, and attribution of responsibility, the Chapter analyses the Affordable Care Act in the United States. The implementation of Obamacare has been shaped by national and subnational political alignments. There is enthusiastic implementation by Democratic states and opposition by many Republicans.
Chapter 3 describes the level of implementation of social policies across provinces and time in Argentina and Brazil. Then it discusses why a mixed-methods research design is an apt choice for unraveling the factors that shape social policy implementation. Case studies are nested within statistical analysis. This strategy aims at achieving detailed causal mechanisms and generalizability at the same time. The case study includes three levels: country, provincial, and municipal. At the national level, the book includes the two most decentralized countries in the region according to the Regional Authority Index, which share similar historical patterns of welfare state development, but differences in the types of political alignments, policy legacies, and territorial infrastructure. At the subnational level, the book includes provinces and municipalities with similar levels of GDP per capita – to rule out explanations based on wealth – but with different political alignments to the central government and different strategies for developing territorial infrastructure.
When attribution of responsibility is not clear, political alignments are irrelevant for shaping the successful implementation of national social policies. This is the case of the selected health policies in Brazil (Estratégia Saúde da Família) and Argentina (Plan Nacer). For each country, the Chapter first analyzes the sources of blurred attribution of responsibility and, as a consequence, the irrelevance of political alignments. Second, it focuses on the role of policy legacies within each national health policy. Entrenched interests from a previous primary healthcare strategy and from high-complexity health provision are crucial for understanding the challenges in the implementation of Estratégia Saúde da Família in Brazil. The states and municipalities that had a more developed health structure present the greatest resistance to this policy. Finally, territorial infrastructure is central for understanding the successful implementation of national health policies. In Brazil, municipalities –in coordination with civil society – are in charge of implementing primary healthcare, and states are more or less present in coordinating such provision. In Argentina, provinces provide healthcare but some municipalities in some provinces have also taken on health responsibilities.
International mega-events inject millions of dollars into host countries’ economies, yet few studies assess which citizens benefit from events and which do not. Governments justify their bids for mega-events by arguing that infrastructure projects, event-related jobs, and tourist spending benefit many citizens. However, researchers find mixed impacts on host economies and the average citizen. Scholars and activists argue that a few businesses benefit while high prices and event-specific laws exclude poor citizens. Under what conditions do poor citizens benefit from mega-events? This article analyzes original interview, survey, and participant observation data on street vendors in São Paulo, Brazil during the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The project finds that most street vendors lost money, while a minority made record profits. Those who benefited from the event used brokers, bribes, and pockets of forbearance to circumvent FIFA’s exclusionary rules.
Coups d’état, once a common end for democracies in the Americas, have declined sharply in recent years. This article investigates whether overall public support for coups is also in decline. Examining 21 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean from 2004 to 2014 helps to evaluate two alternative theses on democratization: Mainwaring and Pérez-Liñán’s 2013 normative regime preferences theory, which inquires (but does not test) whether public opinion can signal to elites a reluctance or willingness to support a coup; and classic modernization theory (Inglehart 1988; Inglehart and Welzel 2005). We find a substantively meaningful effect of democratic attitudes on coup support and a weak effect for national wealth, from which we infer that evolving elite values and preferences are paralleled at the mass level and that together, those two trends play a stronger role in the consolidation of democratic regimes than does modernization.
Life after Dictatorship launches a new research agenda on authoritarian successor parties worldwide. Authoritarian successor parties are parties that emerge from authoritarian regimes, but that operate after a transition to democracy. They are one of the most common but overlooked features of the global democratic landscape. They are major actors in Africa, Asia, Europe, and Latin America, and they have been voted back into office in over one-half of all third-wave democracies. This book presents a new set of terms, definitions, and research questions designed to travel across regions, and presents new data on these parties' prevalence and frequent return to power. With chapters from leading Africanists, Asianists, Europeanists, and Latin Americanists, it asks: why are authoritarian successor parties so common? Why are some more successful than others? And in what ways can they harm - or help - democracy?
Social policies can transform the lives of the poor and marginalized, yet inequitable implementation often limits their access. Uneven Social Policies shifts the focus of welfare state analysis away from policy design and toward policy implementation. By examining variation in political motivations, state capacity, and policy legacies, it explains why some policies are implemented more effectively than others, why some deliver votes to incumbent governments while others do not, and why regionally elected executives block the implementation of some but not all national policies. Niedzwiecki explores this variation across provinces and municipalities by combining case studies with statistical analysis of conditional cash transfers and health policies in two decentralized countries, Argentina and Brazil. The analysis draws on original data gathered during fifteen months of field research that included more than 230 interviews with politicians and 140 with policy recipients.