Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-tf8b9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-22T17:59:26.088Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Support for Coups in the Americas: Mass Norms and Democratization

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 September 2018

Kaitlen J. Cassell*
Affiliation:
Doctoral candidate in political science at Vanderbilt University.
John A. Booth*
Affiliation:
Professor emeritus of political science at the University of North Texas.
Mitchell A. Seligson*
Affiliation:
Centennial Professor of Political Science and professor of sociology (by courtesy) atVanderbilt University and founder and senior adviser of the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP).

Abstract

Coups d’état, once a common end for democracies in the Americas, have declined sharply in recent years. This article investigates whether overall public support for coups is also in decline. Examining 21 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean from 2004 to 2014 helps to evaluate two alternative theses on democratization: Mainwaring and Pérez-Liñán’s 2013 normative regime preferences theory, which inquires (but does not test) whether public opinion can signal to elites a reluctance or willingness to support a coup; and classic modernization theory (Inglehart 1988; Inglehart and Welzel 2005). We find a substantively meaningful effect of democratic attitudes on coup support and a weak effect for national wealth, from which we infer that evolving elite values and preferences are paralleled at the mass level and that together, those two trends play a stronger role in the consolidation of democratic regimes than does modernization.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© 2018 University of Miami 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Achen, Christopher H. 2005. Two-Step Hierarchical Estimation: Beyond Regression Analysis. Special Issue: Multilevel Modeling for Large Clusters. Political Analysis 13, 4: 447456.Google Scholar
Achen, Christopher H., and Bartels, Larry M.. 2016. Democracy for Realists: Why Elections Do Not Produce Responsive Government. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Anderson, Christopher J., and Tverdova, Yuliya V.. 2003. Corruption, Political Allegiances, and Attitudes Toward Government in Contemporary Democracies. American Journal of Political Science 47, 1: 91109.Google Scholar
Bartels, Larry M. 1991. Constituency Opinion and Congressional Policy Making: The Reagan Defense Buildup. American Political Science Review 85, 2: 457474.Google Scholar
Booth, John A., and Seligson, Mitchell A.. 2005. Political Legitimacy and Participation in Costa Rica: Evidence of Arena Shopping. Political Research Quarterly 59, 4: 537550.Google Scholar
Booth, John A., and Seligson, Mitchell A.. 2009. The Legitimacy Puzzle in Latin America: Democracy and Political Support in Eight Nations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Booth, John A., and Richard, Patricia B.. 2015. Latin American Political Culture: Public Opinion and Democracy. Los Angeles: CQ Press/SAGE.Google Scholar
Canache, Damarys, and Allison, Michael E.. 2005. Perceptions of Political Corruption in Latin American Democracies. Latin American Politics and Society 47, 3: 91111.Google Scholar
Canes-Wrone, Brandice. 2006. Who Leads Whom? Presidents, Policy, and the Public. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Carlin, Ryan E., Singer, Matthew M., and Zechmeister, Elizabeth J., eds. 2015. The Latin American Voter: Pursuing Representation and Accountability in Challenging Contexts. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Carnaghan, Ellen, and Bahry, Donna. 1990. Political Attitudes and the Gender Gap in the USSR. Comparative Politics 22, 4: 379399.Google Scholar
Carreras, Miguel. 2013. The Impact of Criminal Violence on Regime Legitimacy in Latin America. Latin American Research Review 48, 3: 85107.Google Scholar
Casper, Brett Allen, and Tyson, Scott A.. 2014. Popular Protest and Elite Coordination in a Coup d’état. Journal of Politics 76, 2: 535547.Google Scholar
Clapham, Christopher, and Philip, George. 1985. The Political Dilemmas of Military Regimes. In The Political Dilemmas of Military Regimes, ed. Clapham and Philip. London: Croom Helm. 126.Google Scholar
Duch, Raymond M., and Stevenson, Randy. 2005. Context and the Economic Vote: A Multilevel Analysis. Political Analysis 13, 4: 387409.Google Scholar
Foa, Roberto Stefan, and Mounk, Yascha. 2016. The Danger of Deconsolidation: The Democratic Disconnect. Journal of Democracy 27, 3: 517.Google Scholar
Franzese, Christopher H. 2005. Empirical Strategies for Various Manifestations of Multilevel Data. Political Analysis 13, 4: 430446.Google Scholar
García-Peñalosa, Cecilia, and Konte, Maty. 2014. Why Are Women Less Democratic Than Men? Evidence from Sub-Saharan African Countries. World Development 59, 3: 104119.Google Scholar
Gibson, James L. 1988. Political Intolerance and Political Repression During the McCarthy Red Scare. American Political Science Review 82, 2: 511529.Google Scholar
Gilens, Martin, and Page, Benjamin I.. 2014. Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens. Perspectives on Politics 12, 3: 564581.Google Scholar
Hadenius, Axel, and Teorell, Jan. 2005. Cultural and Economic Prerequisites of Democracy: Reassessing Recent Evidence. Studies in Comparative International Development 39, 4: 87106.Google Scholar
Huber, John D., Kernell, Georgia, and Leoni, Eduardo L.. 2005. Institutional Context, Cognitive Resources, and Party Attachments Across Democracies. Political Analysis 13, 4: 365386.Google Scholar
Inglehart, Ronald. 1988. The Renaissance of Political Culture. American Political Science Review 82, 4: 12031230.Google Scholar
Inglehart, Ronald, and Welzel, Christian. 2005. Modernization, Cultural Change, and Democracy. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Jackman, Robert W., and Miller, Ross Alan. 2004. Before Norms: Institutions and Civic Culture. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Janowitz, Morris. 1977. Military Institutions and Coercion in the Developing Nations. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Jusko, Karen Long, and Shively, W. Philip. 2005. Applying a Two-Step Strategy to the Analysis of Cross-National Public Opinion Data. Political Analysis 13, 4: 327344.Google Scholar
Kedar, Orit. 2005. How Diffusion of Power in Parliaments Affects Voter Choice. Political Analysis 13, 4: 410429.Google Scholar
Kuehn, David, and Trinkunas, Harold. 2017. Conditions of Military Contestation in Populist Latin America. Democratization 24, 5: 859880.Google Scholar
Lehoucq, Fabrice. 2017. Validity Is Not Conformity: Measuring Accuracy in Coup Data Sets. Comparative Democratization 15, 2: 1316.Google Scholar
Lehoucq, Fabrice, and Pérez-Liñán, Aníbal. 2013. Breaking Out of the Coup Trap: Political Competition and Military Coups in Latin America. Comparative Political Studies 47, 8: 11051129.Google Scholar
Linz, Juan J., and Stepan, Alfred C.. 1978. The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes: Latin America. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.Google Scholar
Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1959. Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy. American Political Science Review 53, 1: 65105.Google Scholar
Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1981 [1961]. Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics. Expanded ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.Google Scholar
Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1994. The Social Requisites of Democracy Revisited. American Sociological Review 59, 1: 122.Google Scholar
Londregan, John, and Poole, Keith. 1990. Poverty, the Coup Trap, and Seizure of Executive Power. World Politics 42, 2: 151183.Google Scholar
Long, J. Scott, and Ervin, Laurie H.. 2000. Using Heteroscedasticity Consistent Standard Errors in the Linear Regression Model. American Statistician 54, 3: 217224.Google Scholar
Luna, Juan P., and Zechmeister, Elizabeth J.. 2005. Political Representation in Latin America: A Study of Elite-Mass Congruence in Nine Countries. Comparative Political Studies 38, 4: 388416.Google Scholar
Magaloni, Beatriz. 2007. Voting for Autocracy: Hegemonic Party Survival and Its Demise in Mexico. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Mainwaring, Scott, and Pérez-Liñán, Aníbal S.. 2013. Democracies and Dictatorships in Latin America: Emergence, Survival, and Fall. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Merolla, Jennifer L., and Zechmeister, Elizabeth J.. 2009. Democracy at Risk: How Terrorist Threats Affect the Public. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Miller, Wakken E., and Stokes, Donald E.. 1963. Constituency Influence in Congress. American Political Science Review 57, 1: 4556.Google Scholar
Moehler, Devra C., and Lindberg, Steffan I.. 2009. Narrowing the Legitimacy Gap: Turnovers as a Cause of Democratic Consolidation. Journal of Politics 71, 4: 14481466.Google Scholar
Muller, Edward N., and Seligson, Mitchell A.. 1994. Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships. American Political Science Review 88, 3: 635652.Google Scholar
Nun, José. 1967. The Middle-Class Military Coup. In The Politics of Conformity in Latin America, ed. Claudia Véliz. London: Oxford University Press. 66118.Google Scholar
O’Kane, Rosemary H. T. 1981. A Probabilistic Approach to the Causes of Coups d’état. British Journal of Political Science 11, 3: 287308.Google Scholar
Page, Benjamin I., and Shapiro, Robert. 1983. Effects of Public Opinion on Policy. American Political Science Review 77, 1: 175190.Google Scholar
Pérez, Orlando J. 2003. Democratic Legitimacy and Public Insecurity: Crime and Democracy in El Salvador and Guatemala. Political Science Quarterly 118, 4: 627644.Google Scholar
Pérez, Orlando J. 2015. The Impact of Crime on Voter Choice in Latin America. In The Latin American Voter: Pursuing Representation and Accountability in Challenging Contexts, ed. Ryan E. Carlin, Matthew M. Singer, and Elizabeth J. Zechmeister. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 324-345.Google Scholar
Pérez, Orlando J. 2016. Putting Lipstick on a Pig: Has the Age of Coups Returned Under a Pro-Democratic Guise? Latin America Goes Global, July 21. https://theglobalamericans.org/2016/07/putting-lipstick-pig-age-coups-returned-pro-democratic-guiseGoogle Scholar
Pérez-Liñán, Aníbal, and Polga-Hecimovich, John. 2017. Explaining Military Coups and Impeachments in Latin America. Democratization 24, 5: 839858.Google Scholar
Pérez-Liñán, Aníbal, and Mainwaring, Scott. 2013. Regime Legacies and Levels of Democracy: Evidence from Latin America. Comparative Politics 45, 4: 379397.Google Scholar
Przeworski, Adam. 2015. Acquiring the Habit of Changing Governments Through Elections. Comparative Political Studies 48, 1: 101129.Google Scholar
Rose, Richard, and Mishler, William. 1996. Testing the Churchill Hypothesis: Popular Support for Democracy and Its Alternatives. Journal of Public Policy 16, 1: 2958.Google Scholar
Rustow, Dankwart. 1970. Transitions to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model. Comparative Politics 2, 3 (April): 337363.Google Scholar
Seligson, Amber L. 2002. When Democracies Elect Dictators: Motivations for and Impact of the Election of Former Authoritarians in Argentina and Bolivia. Ph.D. diss., Cornell University.Google Scholar
Seligson, Mitchell A. 2000. Toward a Model of Democratic Stability: Political Culture in Central America. Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe 11, 2: 529.Google Scholar
Seligson, Mitchell A. 2002a. The Impact of Corruption on Regime Legitimacy: A Comparative Study of Four Latin American Countries. Journal of Politics 64, 2: 408433.Google Scholar
Seligson, Mitchell A. 2002b. On the Measurement of Corruption. APSA-CP 13, 2: 56, 30.Google Scholar
Seligson, Mitchell A. 2004. The University of Pittsburgh Latin American Public Opinion Project’s Corruption Victimization Scale. In Global Corruption Report, 2004: Focus—Political Corruption, ed. Transparency International. London: Pluto Press.Google Scholar
Seligson, Mitchell A. 2006. The Measurement and Impact of Corruption Victimization: Survey Evidence from Latin America. World Development 34, 2: 381404.Google Scholar
Seligson, Mitchell A., and Booth, John A.. 2013. Institutional Legitimacy in Central America, 2004–2012. In The Routledge Handbook of Central American Governance, ed. Diego Sánchez-Ancochea and Salvador Martí i. Puig. London: Routledge. 149162.Google Scholar
Singh, Naunihal. 2014. Seizing Power: The Strategic Logic of Military Coups. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.Google Scholar
Svolik, Milan W. 2015. Which Democracies Will Last? Coups, Incumbent Takeovers, and the Dynamic of Democratic Consolidation. British Journal of Political Science 45, 4: 715738.Google Scholar
Ungar, Mark. 2007. The Privatization of Citizen Security in Latin America: From Elite Guards to Neighborhood Vigilantes. Social Justice 34, 3–4: 2037.Google Scholar
Valenzuela, J. Samuel, and Valenzuela, Arturo, eds. 1986. Military Rule in Chile: Dictatorship and Oppositions. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.Google Scholar
Zechmeister, Elizabeth. 2018. Should We Be Alarmed That One in Four U.S. Citizens Believes a Military Take-Over Can Be Justifiable? In LAPOP Methodological Note, January. Nashville: LAPOP.Google Scholar
Supplementary material: Link

Cassell et al. Dataset

Link
Supplementary material: PDF

Cassell et al. supplementary material

Online Appendices

Download Cassell et al. supplementary material(PDF)
PDF 841.7 KB