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This chapter presents the book’s framework and overall argument. It also describes the book's implications for the field of social movement studies and for the understanding of the consequences of neoliberal globalization. In addition, it includes a brief description of the case of study, an outline of the project’s methodology, and an overview of the chapters ahead.
This chapter focuses on the first way in which piquetero activists engage in working-class routines: reconstruction. It shows how older participants use their practices in the movement to reconstruct routines that once constituted an essential component of their personal identity, but that social changes have rendered impossible. In addition, the chapter elaborates on how this process varies for men and women: while the former engage in activities associated with blue-collar occupations, the latter reenact the type of household duties seen as the counterpart of factory work. Even though paid employment has always been common among working-class Argentinean women, many respondents still idealize the breadwinner/housewife family structure, and link some of the most pressing problems in their communities (crime, drugs, idleness) to the undermining of traditional gender roles.
The conclusion summarizes the book’s findings and discusses its implications. It begins by outlining the overarching lesson from the book (the importance of everyday experiences and concrete motivations for political participation). It then develops this general point into four specific principles applicable to research on other instances of social mobilization. First, habits may be as important for long-term participation as the alignment between personal beliefs and organizational ideologies. Second, activists’ experiences inside and outside of a social movement should be assigned the same explanatory value. Third, social movement scholars must expand their toolkits by borrowing concepts from outside their specific field. Finally, both divergence and conformity with tradition can promote activism. The chapter closes by showing how studying cases like the piqueteros can generate insight about current challenges to democracy in Latin America and the World. Analyzing the complexity of grassroots experiences in the Global South has the potential to challenge established ideas about civic engagement and political participation.
This chapter explores the history of the unemployed workers' movement, analyzing the trajectory of piquetero organizations as part of a broader wave of contention in Latin America. The chapter shows how these organizations developed as networks of neighborhood groups coordinated by a central leadership, with extensive connections to preexisting instances of community life. Organizers were able to draw on established cultural and political traditions at the local level to develop an effective repertoire of contention, which in turn helped their groups become efficient problem-solvers. The chapter then explores how over the last two decades these groups succeeded in accumulating resources and developing cores of committed members, leading to an enduring presence in Argentina’s popular politics. The chapter ends by arguing that individual-level dynamics such as the engagement in practices associated with working-class life played a crucial role in the enduring influence of piquetero networks, by helping them recruit and, most importantly, retain participants.
This chapter describes the second way in which participants in the piquetero movement partake in working-class routines: development. For many activists who came of age since the 1990s, participation in a piquetero organization provides the chance to develop a lifestyle that they were raised to see as honorable, but that socioeconomic transformations have made increasingly unfeasible. In a context with limited opportunities for personal growth, the movement offers a working class ethos, plus the resources and training to exercise it. The chapter also shows how the expectations inculcated to young members reflect the ideal of a proletarian family with a gendered division of labor. Boys tend to enroll in infrastructure projects, while girls are far more likely to choose programs associated with household chores. In addition, even though all young members are compelled to have discipline at work and self-restraint at home, the actual meaning of these ideals is gender-specific. For men, being a responsible worker is associated with manual labor and public life, while for women expectations are framed in terms of modesty, domesticity, and motherhood.
This chapter analyzes the third mechanism for participation in working-class routines: protection. The expansion of unemployment undermined the material conditions for a number of established routines in working-class neighborhoods: Community spaces decayed, drug use became rampant, and interpersonal violence skyrocketed. Hence, wholesome habits associated with communal life (such as spending time in common spaces and sharing resources with neighbors) are perceived to be endangered. In this context of individual and collective deprivation, organizations become oases of socialization where interpersonal trust and altruism is still possible. The chapter concludes by showing how, just like reconstruction and development, protection of routines is a gendered process. It outlines this effect by describing the role of two typical shared tasks within piquetero groups: the male-dominated “security teams” in charge of self-defense; and the “milk cups”, soup kitchens for minors that are almost entirely run by women.
The metal-mining boom Latin America experienced in recent decades precipitated highly contentious anti-mining social movements in Central America. In this context, El Salvador became the first country in the world to ban all metal mining by law. In contrast, policy in nearby Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua remained pro-mining. These cases are compared using a most similar systems design. Comparison reveals the importance of three variables: how national economic-elite networks and interests relate to multinational corporations; national movement coordination and goals, specifically in relation to prohibition; and how parties and leaders relied on popular bases or capital. These factors shaped the contention between elites and movements that influenced state actions around mining and led to this ‘least likely case’ of extractive policy change in El Salvador.
Based on multi-year ethnographic fieldwork on the Unemployed Workers' Movement in Argentina (also known as the piqueteros), Proletarian Lives provides a case study of how workers affected by job loss protect their traditional forms of life by engaging in progressive grassroots mobilization. Using life-history interviews and participant observation, the book analyzes why some activists develop a strong attachment to the movement despite initial reluctance and frequent ideological differences. Marcos Pérez argues that a key appeal of participation is the opportunity to engage in age and gender-specific practices associated with a respectable blue-collar lifestyle threatened by long-term socioeconomic decline. Through their daily involvement in the movement, older participants reconstruct the routines they associate with a golden past in which factory jobs were plentiful, younger activists develop the kind of habits they were raised to see as valuable, and all members protect communal activities undermined by the expansion of poverty and violence.
When and why do legislatures impeach presidents? We analyse six cases of attempted impeachment in Paraguay, Brazil and Peru to argue that intra-coalitional politics is central to impeachment outcomes. Presidents in Latin America often govern with multiparty, ideologically heterogeneous coalitions sustained by tenuous pacts. Coalitions are tested when crises, scandals or mass protests emerge, but presidents can withstand these threats if they tend to allies’ interests and maintain coalitions intact. Conversely, in the absence of major threats, presidents can be impeached if they fail to serve partners’ interests, inducing allies to support impeachment as acts of opportunism or self-preservation.
This article explores the complexity of Indigenous citizenship in contemporary Bolivia through the analysis of a land dispute involving the Indigenous people of Coroma and a neighbouring Indigenous group. The Coromeños understand their rights as stemming from the colonial, republican and plurinational periods: their citizenship is thus described as ‘time-layered’. This study highlights the importance of the image of the state for practices of Indigenous citizenship in Bolivia, in contrast with an understanding based solely on rights of self-government. Furthermore, by comprehending these layers as social memories, the article underlines the importance of conceiving of citizenship as rooted in historical experiences and reproduced by practices of collective memory.
This article explores the childhood of a Mexican Indigenous activist, Raúl Javier Gatica Bautista, who was born in 1963 in the Oaxacan market town of Tlaxiaco. Growing up in poor circumstances, Gatica would become a leader in the social movements that between the 1980s and early 2000s pushed Mexico toward gradual democratic reform. The article seeks to describe what it was like to grow up poor and Indigenous at a time (later dubbed the Mexican Miracle) of impressive social and economic advances. Paying special attention to the experience of racial abuse, the article also asks how Gatica's childhood came to inform his political militancy. While other historians have linked the phenomenon of political radicalism in twentieth-century Latin America to particular social conditions, or to the influence and adaptation of global ideologies, this article seeks the origins of Gatica's radicalism in the experience of a racialised childhood.