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Comparative political economists often divide Latin American labor markets into those with secure employment (insiders) and those without it (outsiders). Yet this division misses an increasingly important class of contract workers, who hold formal labor contracts but often lack labor stability, welfare benefits, and organizing rights. When do unionized and contract workers share preferences and engage in joint organizing? And when do their efforts result in policy change? Drawing on case studies of Chile and Peru, I argue that unionized workers mobilize contract workers when they see their own membership under threat and when they share physical workplaces with contractors. Labor coalitions succeed in policy reform when they leverage divisions within the business community and upcoming elections to build support. This article thus pushes scholars to move beyond dichotomies of formal versus informal workers and study how contract workers matter for collective action and labor policy outcomes.
Conventional wisdom among scholars of Latin American politics holds that informal workers are less participatory and less left-leaning than formal workers. Relevant empirical findings, however, are mixed and in need of synthesis. This article provides that synthesis by conducting meta-analyses on the universe of previous quantitative studies of informality and the vote. It finds that informal workers are indeed less likely to vote than formal workers, but the effect of informality is small—just four to seven percentage points. It further finds that informal workers are more likely to vote for the left, not the right, but here the effect size is even smaller. Meta-regression analyses reveal that in countries where organized professional activity among informal workers is high, gaps in turnout between the two sectors are minimal. The article concludes that the conventional wisdom over-states the individual-level political consequences of labor informality in Latin America.
In many Latin American countries, social policy preferences among economically vulnerable citizens seem largely unpolarized. However, current studies rarely confront citizens with realistic policy options and often lack the required detail to capture the heterogeneity of economic vulnerability. Drawing on the dualization debate, we expect individuals facing different degrees of vulnerability to show distinct social policy preferences. Using original survey data from Mexico and a conjoint experiment, our findings reveal a complex divide, where the most economically vulnerable are least supportive of public solutions. Sharing the home with a formal labor market participant does not seem to mitigate social policy skepticism among the vulnerable. In contrast, magnified vulnerability via household composition reduces support for welfare policy expansion. Social policy preferences become much less distinct when policy design alternatives are introduced, suggesting reduced expectations about the state’s role and a lack of clarity about the tangible benefits of social policy reform.
Under what conditions do collaborations between informal workers and the state in public service provision lead to socially beneficial synergies, and when might they intensify inequalities? This article, based on 14 months of ethnographic research, addresses this question through a comparative case study of two attempts to co-produce recycling services in São Paulo. The first, a grassroots organizing effort in the 1980s and 1990s, improved the incomes and conditions of hundreds of waste pickers and inspired a national upsurge of waste picker organizing. The second, an ambitious overhaul of waste management in the early 2000s, generated about 1,500 jobs but functionally excluded the very population of street waste pickers it was designed to benefit. The findings suggest that co-production is most likely to lead to pro-poor outcomes if concerted efforts are made to level inequalities between poor constituents and more powerful stakeholders during processes of policy design and implementation.
High commodity prices have led to the proliferation of informal gold mining in the Andes. Despite their limited financial capacity, informal gold miners have proved capable of influencing national-level policy outcomes. Why are they able to do so? This study puts forward a comparative study of Bolivia, where informal miners have been politically incorporated, and Peru, where they have been traditionally excluded. It shows how, despite the very different institutional contexts, informal miners are similarly capable of leveraging their contribution to the local economy and the fracture between the central state and its peripheral branches to form pressure groups with local authorities. Based on 120 interviews with politicians and leaders from the largest gold-mining communities in Bolivia and Peru, this study contributes to the scholarship on state-society relations, resource politics, and decentralization by outlining the conditions and mechanism through which informal groups contest exclusionary resource governance in fragmented states.
Civil society leaders develop relationships with officials and engage in contentious politics. Some resort to destructive tactics like arson and assault to target the officials they work with. Why do civil society leaders use destructive protest tactics? This article argues that leaders use destructive tactics when both they and officials need clear information and when leaders believe that officials will offer lucrative agreements to stop destructive protests. The research suggests that this dynamic is more likely in weakly institutionalized, highly politicized, and resource-strapped environments. The research supports the argument by process-tracing cases of peaceful and destructive protest by street vendor organizations and officials’ responses in El Alto, Bolivia. The argument and cases suggest that civil society leaders are more likely to target women and other minoritized people because leaders are more likely to underestimate minoritized officials, but that these officials are then more likely to punish the perpetrators.
The Gray Zones of Medicine: Healers and History in Latin America. Edited by Diego Armus and Pablo F. Gómez. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2021. Pp. 262. $55.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780822946854.
Compound Remedies: Galenic Pharmacy from the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain. By Paula S. De Vos. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2020. Pp. xiv + 352. $50.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780822946496.
For All of Humanity: Mesoamerican and Colonial Medicine in Enlightenment Guatemala. By Martha Few. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2015. Pp. x + 304. $34.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780816531875.
The Experiential Caribbean: Creating Knowledge and Healing in the Early Modern Atlantic. By Pablo F. Gómez. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017. Pp. xix + 314. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781469630878.
Plagues upon the Earth: Disease and the Course of Human History. By Kyle Harper. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2021. Pp. x + 704. $35.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780691192123.
Carving a Niche: The Medical Profession in Mexico, 1800–1870. By Luz María Hernández Sáenz. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2018. Pp. xix + 376. $38.22 paperback. ISBN: 9780773553026.
Enlightened Immunity: Mexico’s Experiments with Disease Prevention in the Age of Reason. By Paul Ramírez. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018. Pp. xi + 376. $70.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9781503604339.
Mexico in the Time of Cholera. By Donald Fithian Stevens. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2019. Pp. ix + 328. $34.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780826360557.
An Imperative to Cure: Principles and Practice of Q’eqchi’ Maya Medicine in Belize. By James B. Waldram. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2020. Pp. xvi + 288. $84.80 hardcover. ISBN: 9780826361738.
Death Is All around Us: Corpses, Chaos, and Public Health in Porfirian Mexico City. By Jonathan M. Weber. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2019. Pp. xiii + 294. $30.00 paperback. ISBN: 9781496213440.
This chapter explores the trajectories of those activists who fail to develop attachment to their organizations. It argues that understanding disengagement from activism requires us to distinguish not simply between those who continue to participate and those who leave, but also separate individuals whose reasons for leaving are external (i.e., they face insurmountable obstacles to continued involvement), from people whose motives are internal (i.e., they do not find participation appealing enough). With that purpose, it introduces the distinction between potential dropouts (those who continue participating because they lack a better alternative), voluntary dropouts (those who choose to leave the movement for a more effective source of income), and reluctant dropouts (those who disengage forced by special circumstances). The chapter concludes by arguing that potential and voluntary dropouts have in common the fact that participation does not become an end in itself, while reluctant dropouts share with long-term participants “resistance to quitting”, a strong (but not infallible) inclination to overcome obstacles to participation.
This chapter analyzes the transformations in Argentinean society since the 1970s, describing how the symbolic and material repercussions of deindustrialization concentrated on vulnerable segments of the population. Neoliberal reforms not only undermined the means of sustenance for poor families but also dislocated much of the taken-for-granted attitudes and habits that organized life in working-class neighborhoods. Regardless of their specific experiences, respondents highlight that when jobs were plentiful life was difficult yet predictable. Residents of poor areas had a sense of what they needed to do in order to make a living, keep their relatives safe, and accumulate resources. Widespread joblessness, state neglect, and violence affected the set of agreed-upon expectations and meanings at the core of working-class culture, which allowed people to organize their daily lives and interact with each other with a degree of confidence.