El objetivo de este artículo es presentar una descripción de las maneras en que se realiza la recolección informal de residuos en la actualidad en la ciudad de Buenos Aires centrándose en uno de los actores, los cirujas. En el marco de las transformaciones en el mundo del trabajo que se han producido en el último cuarto de siglo en Argentina y en especial durante fines de la década de 1990 y la primera mitad de la siguiente, lo que llevó a un achicamiento del mercado formal de trabajo, se analizan los cambios y continuidades en la actividad tanto a nivel de proceso de trabajo, de los sujetos que la realizan, así como las significaciones que existen en torno a ella.

Mexican immigration figures have reached their lowest point since 2000. Yet, even if as a whole the United States is receiving fewer Mexican migrants, the opposite is true for cities at the border. In this article, I present evidence to show that this sui generis migration pattern cannot be understood using traditional explanations of migration dynamics. Instead, Mexicans are migrating because of security issues, in fear of drug-related violence and extortion that has spiked since 2008. I provide the first estimate of this migration pattern, showing that 264,692 Mexicans have migrated in fear of organized crime activities. In doing so, I combine the literature on migration dynamics with that on violence and crime, pointing toward ways in which nonstate actors shape actions of state members.

Despite the fact that the election of Vicente Fox to the presidency of Mexico in 2000 saw the arrival of the most socially conservative administration in contemporary Mexican politics, his government launched the country's first nationwide antihomophobia campaign in early 2005. This article attempts to solve this seeming policy puzzle by presenting empirical research evidence that suggests that the formulation and implementation of this policy was largely a result of the ability of several advocates of sexual minority rights to pursue this policy initiative from within government. Because Fox's election also saw a significant opening of the policy process, several “policy entrepreneurs” gained access to the policy-making process. However, given the controversial nature of the policy they pursued, policy entrepreneurs relied on the deployment of two policy frames to implement their policy in the face of fierce opposition: a scientific frame and a legal frame. The research presented here reveals that the successful launch of the campaign was the result of the strategic use of these two frames by an alliance of policy entrepreneurs working from within the state across federal bureaucratic agencies. Given the advantage the two frames afforded their case when confronting arguments based on morality, they ultimately managed to overcome fierce opposition from state and nonstate actors to implement their policy.

A growing percentage of international aid is distributed through local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Scholarship is divided on how that aid affects domestic politics. One side argues that aid to NGOs reinforces the status quo. As NGOs become dependent on external funding, they lose sight of their original goals. The other side contends that channeling funds to NGOs generates associational activity; producing political change by empowering previously marginalized groups. We test these competing hypotheses in Rondonia, Brazil, measuring the impact of internationally funded NGO activity on voting behavior. We find that the impact of aid varies with the institutional environment. At the state level, more votes for the conservative governor came from municipalities whose NGOs received project money. In contrast, the same municipalities registered a significant shift to leftist candidates at the presidential level. The findings have broad implications for the impact international aid has on political competition, political change, and democracy.

Este artículo analiza el humor, la conflictividad social y el lenguaje en la literatura y el proyecto editorial de Washington Cucurto en consonancia con la poscrisis argentina del año 2001, un período de inestabilidad y cuestionamiento de la configuración sociopolítica, económica y cultural del país. Su humor se encarna en la combinación del habla oral con sintagmas que no son propios de la oralidad, abriendo el espacio a la parodia y la tragedia. Este estilo —al que el autor denomina realismo atolondrado—introduce una “extrañeza inquietante” en prácticas sociales automatizadas en las que se naturaliza la violencia, el racismo y la xenofobia social hacia los inmigrantes externos e internos del gran Buenos Aires. El realismo atolondrado está asimismo presente en su proyecto editorial Eloísa Cartonera, el cual construido a partir de lo que la sociedad deshecha mantiene una relación de familiar extrañeza con el curso de la industria cultural global y con el curso de la cultura de las artes en general.