Over the past two decades, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, the University of Alabama, the University of Texas at Arlington, and the Universidad de Yucatán have produced microfilm copies of primary source materials in the Yucatán. While their films only begin to tap the rich documentary resources of the peninsula, the combined holdings put a large corpus of materials for reconstructing the Yucatecan past within the reach of scholars in the United States. This brief essay will describe the four microfilm collections as they existed in the fall of 1984 as well as the finding aids that have been developed to assist researchers in accessing them.

The Mexican government recently proposed as a medium-term objective that the minimum rate of economic growth should be twice the rate of population growth (Mexico, Presidencia de la República 1988). This proposal may indicate a renewed interest in Mexico in linking demographic variables to the economic and development issues of the country. In proposing such a target, the Mexican government seems to be suggesting that its long-term development plans will hinge on criteria that depart radically from those recently used to assess the performance of these plans. The proposal seems particularly revealing because it came from President Carlos Salinas de Gortari, who is an economist himself.

The distinctive blend of authoritarian and technocratic rule in Brazil since 1964 has been well explored in its implications for industrial policy, but the consequences of two decades of military rule for agriculture are only now being studied. This article will analyze state policy in the single agricultural sector of sugar in light of major changes in sociopolitical and economic structures and in view of the particular relations between the state and civil society that have characterized Brazil after 1964. Although debate continues over the precise nature of these relations, it is widely held that the state played the dominant role in the policy process, subordinating elites, excluding popular classes from the decision-making arena, and incorporating international capital as a critical element in economic growth.

Carlos Fonseca's unequivocal bracketing of Augusto Sandino's political project with that of Latin America's premier Marxist revolutionary would have shocked most readers when it was written in 1972. In this and other seminal essays, one of the three founders of Nicaragua's Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) formally integrated Sandino the historical figure into the ideology of their revolutionary struggle. Sandino had fought a six-year guerrilla war against the U.S. forces occupying Nicaragua between 1927 and 1933. His assassination in 1934 by Anastasio Somoza's henchmen ushered in a forty-five-year dynastic dictatorship by a succession of Somozas. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, until Fonseca died in combat against the Guardia Nacional in 1976, his writings guided the FSLN's resurrecting and reconstructing of the image of Sandino in order to reshape it into the dominant symbol of a powerful revolutionary ideology.

Mexico achieved food self-sufficiency and raised rural living standards in the thirty years prior to the mid-sixties, yet the country is now plagued by a profound agricultural crisis that is manifesting itself in serious natural resource disequilibria, unemployment and underemployment, and inadequate food production. This seemingly contradictory outcome has resulted from an agricultural growth strategy that reoriented production toward agroexports and animal feeds. Understanding the effects of this strategy is essential because these same trends are the most important phenomena in the agricultural sector of many developing countries today (Barr 1981; Winrock International 1981; DeWalt 1983).