We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure [email protected]
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
The then ICJ Judge Awn Shawkat Al-Khasawneh defined immunity “[as] … an exception from the general rule that man is responsible legally and morally for his actions.”1 While it is widely acknowledged that serving high-ranking public officials enjoy immunity from the jurisdiction of foreign courts in most circumstances, there is an ongoing debate regarding how far the immunity entitlement extends and whether there are exceptions to it, particularly in cases of serious criminal wrongs. The present chapter reviews the conceptual, doctrinal, and theoretical foundations of the immunities of foreign officials, and their subjective, material, and temporal scopes. It also examines the rules that govern situations when foreign official immunity may not apply or may apply only to official acts, and the conditions for either of these outcomes. The chapter draws from recent developments in international criminal law, international human rights law, and transnational criminal law, and builds on the influential contribution of the ILC on the topic “Immunity of State Officials from Foreign Criminal Jurisdiction” included in the long-term program of work of the commission in 2006.
Chapter Nine analyses the regulations related to carbon capture and storage (CCS) in China, given its indispensable role in achieving the carbon neutrality target. It starts by elaborating on the essential components of CCS regulation, particularly risk allocation, to provide an analytical framework against which the Chinese regulatory framework for CCS is assessed. This chapter examines the current design of the legal and regulatory systems, identifies the regulatory gaps and uncertainties that hinder the implementation of CCS, and discusses the measures needed to address these gaps and uncertainties. It also explores the legal and regulatory implications of using CO2 as a resource, which has the potential to enhance the commercial viability of CCS and promote the development of the CO2 industry.
In this chapter, Nigel White assesses the contribution of the UN’s collective security system to the settlement of international disputes. This chapter tests the assumption that impartial law-based dispute settlement by the Security Council is neither achievable because of its political nature nor required by the UN Charter. This chapter analyses the provisions of the Charter and practice of the Security Council in the field of peaceful settlement, looking for evidence of impartiality in both inter-State and intra-State disputes and assessing the influence of peacekeeping mandated by the Council upon impartiality. This analysis shows that the concept of impartiality in peaceful settlement has largely disappeared and asks, in the conclusion, whether it is possible and desirable to (re)turn to impartiality.
In this chapter, James Mehigan focuses on the contribution of international criminal law (ICL) to the peaceful settlement of international disputes. More specifically, this chapter looks at the aims of ICL and analyses how effective it has been at achieving its international law and criminal law objectives. It argues that ICL does not make the broader contribution to dispute settlement that many commentators hope for because it provides a form of retributive justice that does not necessarily engender a sense of justice for victims, nor contribute to reconciliation or fact-finding. After looking at the impact of ICL in the Former Yugoslavia, this chapter concludes that there is little evidence to show that ICL achieves any of its aims other than individualising guilt and punishing offenders – in other words, ICL’s contribution to the settlement of international disputes is minimal and should not be overstated.
This chapter reviews how the recent sanctions have been enforced, both by domestic authorities and through multilateral cooperation. chapter also examines strategies taken by would-be sanctions evaders to conceal their attempts to circumvent the broad sanctions. Enforcement plays a key role in the ability of the sanctioning jurisdictions to effectively implement their sanctions and incentivize change in the behavior of the target or by parties indirectly affected by the sanctions.
In this chapter, Sir Malcolm Evans examines the role and legitimacy of international human rights mechanisms of dispute settlement. This chapter argues that the relationship between international dispute settlement and the work of the United Nations human rights treaty bodies is demonstrated by a series of cases brought by Qatar against the United Arab Emirates before both the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD). This chapter explores some of the tensions which have been revealed concerning the interplay between the work of the CERD Committee and that of the ICJ and how each responded to them. It notes that the multifaceted and sui generis nature of their work means that they do not operate in a single ‘conceptual space’ and that the nature of the treaty bodies, their role and function, and the environment in which they work need to be borne in mind if their work is to be properly appreciated, understood, and engaged with.
Since the late-1990s Turkey has emerged as a significant economic power. Never colonized and straddling the continents of Europe and Asia, it plays a strategically important role in a region of increasing instability.
Bülent Gökay examines Turkey's remarkable domestic political and economic transformation over the past two decades within the context of broader regional and global changes. By situating the story of Turkey's economic growth within an analysis of the structural changes and shifts in the world economy, the book provides new insights into the functioning of Turkey's political economy and the successes and failures of its ruling party's economic management.
In the debates about the UK's future relationship with the European Union, all sorts of possible alternatives have been bandied about, from 'Singapore on the Thames' to 'Canada Plus', from 'Switzerland' to 'Ukraine', from 'Norway' to 'Australia'. But what do these alternative relationship models really consist of and would they be viable for the UK?
Martin Westlake brings together distinguished contributors to examine these various options, real and potential, and to consider whether they would offer a workable solution for the continued relationship between the EU and post-Brexit Britain.
These essays offer expert insight into the scale and challenge of the practical issues facing Britain as it seeks to establish a new future with its largest trading partner.
Tariffs and trade barriers are rising and major diplomatic institutions that have promoted liberal trade for decades have come under attack as impending trade wars threaten global trade and global value chains for manufacturing weaken. And at the root of this crisis, argues Geoff Pigman, is accelerating technological change.
This book traces the impact of today's major technological transformations on global trade and the diplomacy that makes trade possible. Not only is global trade changing, in terms of what is traded and how, but diplomacy in the digital age is changing as well. Arguing that we must think differently about trade and diplomacy, this book proposes pragmatic policy approaches for the diplomatic management of a challenging and potentially dangerous future.
The emergence of ex-rebels’ political parties after peace accords creates a vehicle for political reintegration, which in turn has positive effects on peace and democracy consolidation after war. However, many of these parties tend to break apart and disappear, elevating the risk of renewed cycles of political violence. In times of war, cohesion plays a pivotal role in maintaining the bonds among members of armed organizations. It empowers them to perform effectively even in the face of challenging conditions and continues to be a critical factor during postconflict transitions. By means of a quantitative analysis of former FARC guerrillas in Colombia, now part of a newly founded legal political party, we test whether ideology, organizational dynamics, or individual perceptions and motivations help to explain their levels of cohesion. Our results show that even if all dimensions add up to the observed cohesion levels, perceptions of internal democracy, and inclusion, are the most relevant. We argue that assistance to former rebels in their organizational reengineering efforts after war will help to reduce the risk of the negative effects of rebel party collapse.
In recent decades, Brazilian voters have grown polarized between supporters of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party, PT), known as petistas, and its opponents, known as antipetistas. What explains this animosity? One potential source of polarization is partisan stereotyping, a tendency for partisans to misperceive the social composition of both their own side’s bases of support as well as their opponents’. We show that most Brazilians overestimate the extent to which petistas and antipetistas belong to party-stereotypical groups such as Afro-Brazilians, evangelical Christians, or poor or rich people. We then show that stereotyping is associated with polarization: the greater the bias in perceived partisan group composition, the greater the perceptions of partisan political extremism and feelings of social distance toward the partisan out-group.
The international dispute settlement system is currently facing many challenges regarding the authority, effectiveness, and legitimacy of its methods and mechanisms and their coordination. These challenges cut across different fields of international law and relations such as investment, trade, human rights, water resources, the law of the sea, the environment, international peace and security, disaster law, space, and cyberspace. New technologies also impact on the scope of existing disputes and their settlement, which lead to the emergence of new disputes and ways of settling them. This book offers insightful reflections by academics and practitioners on such challenges and how they can be addressed as well as on how the international dispute settlement system should adapt to attain its aim of maintaining peace and international legality. It deals with many contemporary issues and is wide-ranging in scope. It is suitable for students, scholars, and practitioners of international dispute settlement, international law, and international relations.
Since 1995 there has been intense debate about whether the WTO Agreement is just. Many observers point to the association of the treaty with intensive interdependence and the disruptive effects of globalization to assert that it is unjust. Nevertheless, justice in sovereign terms is different from justice in human terms. This book puts forward a theory of WTO law to explain the difference and its implications for the international trading system. It details how economic interdependence gives rise to an interdependent view of the relationship between different forms of justice and to interdependent obligations in WTO law. It also suggests how the WTO dispute settlement system might have a residual value as a locus for transformative outcomes despite contemporary concerns about the system's political acceptability. Taken together, such insights may assist in identifying elements of a general theory of law.