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6046 results in European government, politics and policy

Page 95 of 303

  • 4 - Protest and Institutional Politics

  • Marco Giugni, Maria T. Grasso, University of Sheffield
  • Book:
    Street Citizens
    Published online:
    15 March 2019
    Print publication:
    04 April 2019, pp 78-104

  • Summary

    Chapter 4 deals with the relationship between protest politics and institutional politics. We look both at the link between different forms of participation (including online participation) as well as that between protest and voting. We test two hypotheses about this relationship: the hypothesis that protesting and voting are a zero-sum game, one excluding the other, and the hypothesis that they are complementary, mutually reinforcing each other. The aim is to address questions pertaining to the linkages between different types of institutional and extra-institutional forms of activism in Western Europe and follow the calls for studies analyzing the links between parties and protest. We also look at differences across countries, issues, and types of demonstrators.

  • 7 - Why Do People Want to Demonstrate?

  • Marco Giugni, Maria T. Grasso, University of Sheffield
  • Book:
    Street Citizens
    Published online:
    15 March 2019
    Print publication:
    04 April 2019, pp 161-184

  • Summary

    Chapter 7 focuses on the motivations of demonstrations, but also takes stock of the analyses conducted in the previous chapters by addressing the role of citizens in contentious politics. We ask whether demonstrations today are made of an aggregation of isolated individuals rather than being part of genuine social movements based on networks and identification. In other words, to what extent can we speak of street citizens? Furthermore, we link this question to the motivations of demonstrators, looking at what motivates people to take to the streets. In this regard, we distinguish between three different kinds of motivations: defending interests, expressing solidarity, and feeling a moral obligation. We examine to what extent these motivations vary across countries as well as how they differ depending on the issues of demonstrations and the type of demonstrators.

  • 5 - Were They Pushed or Did They Jump?

  • Marco Giugni, Maria T. Grasso, University of Sheffield
  • Book:
    Street Citizens
    Published online:
    15 March 2019
    Print publication:
    04 April 2019, pp 105-134

  • Summary

    Chapter 5 is about the mobilizing structures of demonstrators and their impact on the strength of motivation to participate in demonstrations. We focus in particular on the channels of participation in demonstrations. We examine the role of direct (interpersonal networks) as well as indirect (media) channels and whether they differ depending on the national context, the issue of demonstrations, and the type of demonstrators. Concerning interpersonal networks, we look whether demonstrators were asked to participate by different types of networks. More generally, we confront two competing views of recruitment to social movements: a view assuming that demonstrators make an independent choice based on their motivation to become active and a view maintaining that they are brought to them mainly by other actors.

  • 8 - Protest Politics and Social Movement Activism in Perspective

  • Marco Giugni, Maria T. Grasso, University of Sheffield
  • Book:
    Street Citizens
    Published online:
    15 March 2019
    Print publication:
    04 April 2019, pp 185-202

  • Summary

    Finally, chapter 8 summarizes the main findings of the book and draws the main lessons from the analyses of participants in demonstrations for the present and future of protest politics. It goes back to the issues discussed in the introduction and reassess them based on the book’s findings. In particular, we discuss the role of left-wing protest politics in the age of globalization. Who are the demonstrators today? What do they want? Do they proactively pursue objectives of political change and social transformation or are they more reactively responding to certain threats? We also discuss the relationship between protest politics and institutional politics. We end with a reflection about the future or protest politics in Europe.

  • 3 - Bringing Capitalism Back In

  • Marco Giugni, Maria T. Grasso, University of Sheffield
  • Book:
    Street Citizens
    Published online:
    15 March 2019
    Print publication:
    04 April 2019, pp 53-77

  • Summary

    Chapter 3 addresses the class bases of protest and how they link up to ideology amongst demonstrators. More specifically, we examine to what extent social class underpins participation in demonstrations and play a different role in different countries, in demonstrations on cultural and economic issues, and among novices and activists. To do so, we look at the occupational status of demonstrators as well as their positioning on the left-right scale. Furthermore, we analyze the role of ideology and political values for participation in demonstrations, also as related to class and unemployment. We confront the political values of demonstrators from different social backgrounds to analyze whether individuals in different social locations hold different sets of values and if precarity is forming a new class basis for protest. We focus in particular on left-right and libertarian-authoritarian values and how they across countries as well as across the cultural/economic issue and the novices/activists divides.

  • 6 - The Religious Roots of the “Secular” State: Understanding Turkey’s Sacred Synthesis of the Religious and the National

  • Kristin Fabbe, Harvard Business School, Massachusetts
  • Book:
    Disciples of the State?
    Published online:
    21 March 2019
    Print publication:
    28 March 2019, pp 83-127

  • Summary

    Chapter six explores the religious roots of the “secular” state and the emergence of a sacred-synthesis between the religious and the national in late Ottoman and early republican Turkey. It argues that by widening the timeframe to include these precursors to Kemalist politics, it becomes clear that the ostensible “success” of the Kemalist reforms in the Turkish case represents only one “moment” in a more gradual process of state formation that produced a sacred-synthesis between the religious and the national that would be instrumentalized for decades to come. The chapter focuses specifically Institutional changes in education and law that were set into motion during the reign of Sultan cAbdulḥamīd II (1876-1909) and were continued subsequently under the rule of the Committee for Union and Progress (CUP), arguing that they are essential to understanding contemporary religion-state power arrangements in Turkey. The chapter argues that Late Ottoman reform strategies ultimately caused the religious establishment to cultivate the seeds of its own demise. These changes progressed incrementally but were, cumulatively speaking, transformative forces of state building.

  • 2 - Creating Disciples of the State

  • Kristin Fabbe, Harvard Business School, Massachusetts
  • Book:
    Disciples of the State?
    Published online:
    21 March 2019
    Print publication:
    28 March 2019, pp 15-34

  • Summary

    This chapter introduces a theoretical framework for understanding the book’s central argument and offers a typology of the various expansion strategies that states used to gain traction in education and law. The chapter argues that by either layering state institutions onto the religious edifice and/or initiating the piecemeal co-optation of religious elites into new state institutions, reformers slowly amassed state-centric authority, built a robust cultural machinery for the eventual dissemination of state ideology, and gradually silenced religious competitors. In countries where there was a dominant majority religion, and where this layering and/or piecemeal cooptation process was successful, early state makers could fuse the religious and the national, creating a synthesis that blended modern institutions and concepts of citizenship with religious identity markers. Under these conditions, the state could construct relatively legitimate, domesticated religious bureaucracies that promoted an official religion. Simultaneously the religious establishment gradually adopted a state-centric world view, as the state targeted its leaders and the general citizenry alike for conversion into “disciples of the state.”

  • 5 - Synthesizing the Religious and the National in a Revolutionary and Irredentist Greece

  • Kristin Fabbe, Harvard Business School, Massachusetts
  • Book:
    Disciples of the State?
    Published online:
    21 March 2019
    Print publication:
    28 March 2019, pp 59-82

  • Summary

    This chapter examines the history of the next emerging post-Ottoman state, Greece, showing that institutional overlap between religion and the state together with the cooptation of religious elites served as a vehicle for state expansion and the emergence of powerful religion-state synergies. Despite the presence of a foreign-imposed Bavarian monarchy in Greece at a critical point in the state-formation process, strategies of piecemeal cooptation, institutional layering and eventually usurpation created first a symbiotic and then a largely subservient relationship between state and religion. Reform processes fused not only religious and national institutions, but also religious and national identities into an instrumental sacred-synthesis, with formidable implications for political and societal development trajectories

  • 7 - How the Religious and the National Diverge: Evidence from Egypt

  • Kristin Fabbe, Harvard Business School, Massachusetts
  • Book:
    Disciples of the State?
    Published online:
    21 March 2019
    Print publication:
    28 March 2019, pp 128-148

  • Summary

    This chapter returns to Egypt to examine an instance in which the religious and the national fail to converge into a sacred synthesis. Gamal Nasser deliberately attempted “secularize” in a mode similar to Kemalist Turkey via strategies of usurpation. This chapter shows, however, that Egypt differed significantly from Turkey in that it inherited the legacy of a British colonial occupation—marked by decades of state expansion into education and law—that ostracized religious elites, institutions and attachments. This legacy made it virtually impossible to replicate the Turkish outcome, meaning that religion retained a larger amount of sovereign space in Egypt, the subsequent politicization of religion did not result in groups with statist tendencies, and this ultimately challenged the state and impeded is hegemonic.

  • 3 - The Ottoman Imperial Footprint and the International Context

  • Kristin Fabbe, Harvard Business School, Massachusetts
  • Book:
    Disciples of the State?
    Published online:
    21 March 2019
    Print publication:
    28 March 2019, pp 35-51

  • Summary

    This chapter provides historical background information on the Ottoman imperial footprint in the region. It provides descriptive information on the types of differences that set the Ottoman world apart from Western European state building processes as well as the similarities within the Ottoman world that render the country cases in this study comparable. The chapter emphasizes how common experiences of past Ottoman rule created conditions where religious elites, institutions and attachments played a dominant role in both governance and the structure of everyday life prior to emergence of the nation state, making the state building based on European models of secularism and sovereignty a particularly challenging endeavor.

  • 4 - The First Reformer: Egypt under Muḥammad ʿAlī

  • Kristin Fabbe, Harvard Business School, Massachusetts
  • Book:
    Disciples of the State?
    Published online:
    21 March 2019
    Print publication:
    28 March 2019, pp 52-58

  • Summary

    This short chapter details how programs to expand state control over education and law began in the region in Egypt at the turn of the nineteenth century under Muḥammad cAlī Pasha. This chapter takes us up to onset European influence in Egypt to suggest that state formation could have proceeded very differently in Egypt had it not been unobstructed by a colonial intervention that prevented religious elites and institutions from playing a central role in modernization.

Page 95 of 303