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In 2008 the world experienced the Great Recession, a financial and economic crisis of enormous proportions and the greatest economic downturn since the 1930s. In its wake, unemployment became a key preoccupation of West European publics and politicians. This comparative study considers the policy debates surrounding unemployment in the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Italy, Denmark and Switzerland since 2008. With an over-arching focus on drawing out cross-national commonalities and differences, the authors ask whether patterns of political communication vary across countries. Their analysis draws on interviews with labour market policy-makers in the six selected countries, and paints a revealing picture. Appealing to researchers in comparative politics, political communication and welfare state research, this book will also interest practitioners involved in labour market policy.
Chapters 2 refers to the mobilizing context. It sets our analysis in the broader context of the potential for political mobilization – the demand-side of mobilization – in the seven countries, using ESS data. We aim to assess the degree of contentiousness of European citizens and how this varies both across countries and over time. In addition, we examine a number of aspects pertaining to the mobilizing structures, political values and political attitudes of European citizens, forming the backdrop against which we can confront the characteristics of our sample of demonstrators in the analyses to follow in subsequent chapters.
Chapter 6 looks at the cognitive and affective dispositions of demonstrators. More specifically it addresses the role of political attitudes and emotions as well as how the relate to each other We examine in particular to which extent demonstrators are interested in politics, satisfied with democracy, trust the political institutions, and have the feeling they can change things through their engagement. We also look at how political interest, satisfaction, trust, and efficacy varies across countries, depending on whether demonstrations address cultural or economic issues, and between novices and activists. Furthermore, we examine the relationship between political attitudes of demonstrators and four primary emotions (anger, worry, fear, and frustration) which may be expected to combine with political attitudes and to influence in different ways the individuals’ motivation to participate in demonstrations. Confronting political attitudes and emotions, we assess two accounts of commitment among demonstrators – a cognitive account based on political attitudes and an affective account stressing the role of emotions – and how these two types of factors combine.
Chapter 1 introduces the main issues addressed in the book, presents its main argument, and describes the data and methods used in the analyses. More specifically, after a discussion of the thesis of the normalization of protest and protesters as well as a discussion of the featurs of protest in the age of globalization, we outline our micro-mobilization analysis of participation in street demonstrations, which forms the backbone of the book. The chapter also introduces the three main comparative dimensions used in the book, namely countries, types of demonstrations (economic/social), and types of demonstrators (novices/activists). Finally, it presents the plan of the book.
Chapter 4 deals with the relationship between protest politics and institutional politics. We look both at the link between different forms of participation (including online participation) as well as that between protest and voting. We test two hypotheses about this relationship: the hypothesis that protesting and voting are a zero-sum game, one excluding the other, and the hypothesis that they are complementary, mutually reinforcing each other. The aim is to address questions pertaining to the linkages between different types of institutional and extra-institutional forms of activism in Western Europe and follow the calls for studies analyzing the links between parties and protest. We also look at differences across countries, issues, and types of demonstrators.
Chapter 7 focuses on the motivations of demonstrations, but also takes stock of the analyses conducted in the previous chapters by addressing the role of citizens in contentious politics. We ask whether demonstrations today are made of an aggregation of isolated individuals rather than being part of genuine social movements based on networks and identification. In other words, to what extent can we speak of street citizens? Furthermore, we link this question to the motivations of demonstrators, looking at what motivates people to take to the streets. In this regard, we distinguish between three different kinds of motivations: defending interests, expressing solidarity, and feeling a moral obligation. We examine to what extent these motivations vary across countries as well as how they differ depending on the issues of demonstrations and the type of demonstrators.
Chapter 5 is about the mobilizing structures of demonstrators and their impact on the strength of motivation to participate in demonstrations. We focus in particular on the channels of participation in demonstrations. We examine the role of direct (interpersonal networks) as well as indirect (media) channels and whether they differ depending on the national context, the issue of demonstrations, and the type of demonstrators. Concerning interpersonal networks, we look whether demonstrators were asked to participate by different types of networks. More generally, we confront two competing views of recruitment to social movements: a view assuming that demonstrators make an independent choice based on their motivation to become active and a view maintaining that they are brought to them mainly by other actors.