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Summary: Compared with many other European countries, political science in Finland has a relatively long history, as the first chair was established at the University of Helsinki in 1921. Today, political science is a discipline in six universities with a teaching staff of some sixty scholars. In addition, there are some fifty political scientists working in different projects on a temporary basis. The Finnish political science community is small, but well established (the Finnish Political Science Association was founded already in 1935). After the Second World War, the discipline was influenced by American political science, but since the 1970s, political scientists have become more “European” and “global.” Today, the discipline is facing new challenges due to the Bologna Process and the EU's Lisbon strategy, which have introduced curriculum, governance and funding reforms in the Finnish higher education. As a result, universities were privatised in 2010. At the same time, new higher education ideology has emphasised large institutions with strong leadership and interdisciplinarity in teaching and research. In the new situation, there is a danger that political science as a theoretical science will lose its identity and become suffocated by more applied disciplines.
On the history of the Finnish political science
Compared with many other European countries, political science in Finland has a relatively long history as an academic discipline. The first chair in political science was established at the University of Helsinki in 1921. The teaching began in 1924, with Karl Robert Brother us (a historian by education) as the first professor in the discipline. One of the reasons for establishing political science as a subject in the University was a need to educate civil servants for a new republic after the independence in 1917 (on the debates concerning the founding of the new discipline; see Palonen, 1983).
An interest in political science existed elsewhere, too. A new Swedish-language University, Abo Akademi University, was founded in Turku (Abo in Swedish) in 1918. A chair of political science was established also there. Unfortunately a professor chosen for the post died before taking up his duties and Abo did not fill the professorship until 1942.
Summary: The evolution and development of political science in Greece emerges quite late in comparison to other European countries. Although the first Society for Social and Political Sciences was founded in 1919, political science remained for a long time a part of legal and historical studies. The political phenomenon was being approached from an interdisciplinary perspective without clear political dimensions. The first attempts for the systematic transformation of political science into discrete social discipline were related to the creation of the project of a Higher School of Political Sciences promoting the study of political phenomena. However, none of the curricula of the existing university departments had incorporated the political science as an autonomous field of study. The formation of the Hellenic Political Science Association (HPSA) in 1955 established the active interest for studying the political phenomenon in the scope of the institutions, of political life and the political parties, of ideas and their inter-relations with policies. The critical turning point in political science is linked to the university reform of 1982 which led to the creation of autonomous political science university departments. It included the modernization of the discipline through an extended syllabus reform and the recruitment of new academic staff. Today in Greece there are six departments of political science related either to the various sub-disciplined areas of political science or with interdisciplinary curricula. The admission of students to the university departments of political science is taking place through national examinations and the minimum duration of study to be eligible for the so-called diploma, is four years. The increasing demand for postgraduate studies led the six departments of political sciences to operate twelve different postgraduate study programmes up to a two-year duration which are linked to a variety of specialization topics. Doctoral studies in the field of political science have developed significantly over the past two decades. About 300 doctoral theses are being prepared in the aforementioned departments contributing positively to the promotion of political science in Greece.
Summary: Political science was founded as an academic discipline at the University of Iceland in 1970; at that time one professor was hired, and students could only obtain a BA degree in social sciences with political science as a major. In the first two decades, few students graduated with a BA degree in political science. Now, 44 years later, 15 full-time academic staff with research duties is employed at the Faculty of Political Science (most with a PhD degree from a foreign university, three non-Icelanders), the annual number of registered students is around 600, multiple programmes are on offer for undergraduates, master students, and doctoral students. Since 2005, a total number 1181 students have graduated, 421 with a BA degree, 760 with a master's degree or postgraduate Diploma, and 8 with a PhD degree. Research in political science – almost non-existent in the beginning – now covers most areas of the discipline; major achievements in research on Icelandic politics have taken place. Most professors have extensive international connections. The Faculty of Political Science is related to three research institutes at the University of Iceland: the Institute of Public Administration and Politics, The Social Science Research Institute, and the Institute of International Affairs. Since 2005, an academic journal has been published, Icelandic Review of Politics & Administration (http://www.irpa.is).
Introduction
Political science has been an academic discipline at the University of Iceland since 1970. At first, only undergraduate studies were on offer in a new department of social sciences: political science and sociology as BA majors and minors, and anthropology as a BA minor. The department only had three full-time academic positions in the first years – one of those in political science. Today, the Faculty of Political Science offers both undergraduate and graduate programmes (including PhD programmes), employs staff of 15 full-time academics, and the number of students is around 600.
In 1976, a new Faculty of Social Sciences was founded at the University of Iceland. Six disciplines functioned as departments in the new Faculty: political science, sociology, anthropology, psychology, education, and library science.
Summary: Political science in Britain initially developed slowly and without a clear identity diff erentiating it from other subjects. It is often studied at undergraduate level in combination with other subjects, but there has been a substantial expansion of postgraduate work. There has been a particular expansion in the study of international relations. Paradigm wars have been relatively absent compared with the United States, although there have been distinctive approaches, but in many ways the development of sub-fields has been equally important. Although political science graduates have been relatively successful in their careers, funding uncertainties surrounding higher education are a cause for concern. However, discussions about the constitution in the wake of the Scottish referendum may present new opportunities for political scientists.
Historical and institutional context
Political science first started to develop as a separate discipline in Britain in the 19th century. However, in this early period it was not clearly differentiated from the disciplines it grew out of, in particular philosophy and history. Indeed, this continued to be a problem for much of the 20th century. Historians argued that the proper way to approach politics was through the study of political history; sociologists argued that it should be subsumed in their discipline as political sociology; and economists thought that it could best be studied through applying the methodology of their discipline. For economists it was insufficiently quantitative to be taken seriously and for philosophers it was insufficiently rooted in their subject. Lawyers thought that insufficient attention was paid to constitutional and administrative law.
Being a ‘junction subject’ between many disciplines was thus both a strength and a weakness. It enabled political scientists to draw on the insights of many disciplines: for example, geography could be added to those mentioned above. However, it also meant that the study of politics often looked like a field rather than a discipline. It lacked a sufficiently well-defined territory of its own and its own distinctive theoretical perspectives, methodology and research techniques.
In the first fifty years of the 20th century, the subject was largely based in Oxford and the London School of Economics and Political Science (early developments at Cambridge had not been followed through systematically).
Summary: The development of the Croatian political science after 2000 was significantly determined by the old “intellectual baggage” inherited from almost four decades of its institutional development in the communist Croatia and Yugoslavia as well as by a difficult transition period of the 1990s in which the discipline had to be refounded and the Faculty of Political Science, as the only academic institution at which political science can be studied in Croatia, radically reorganised. The first decade of the new century was marked by constituting Croatian and comparative politics, public policies and public administration as special subfields as well as by changes in political theory and international relations as more established subfields. The fundamental weakness of the Croatian political science is its weak internationalisation which is manifested in weak publishing of scientific works in acknowledged international journals, insufficient involvement in international research projects and relatively low international teaching staff and student mobility. Good sides of the development are stronger social establishing of the scientific discipline and profession and their exceptionally high social visibility which influences the increase of reputation and of the demand for the study of political science on the market.
Development of political science until 21st century: A short introduction
The development of political science in North America and West Europe was accompanied by critical discussions and reflections on fundamental epistemological, theoretical and methodological issues of the discipline. As a result, a special subfield emerged which deals with the history of the discipline and comprises single-country studies and cross-national comparative studies. Up to the end of the 20th century both types of studies were emerging primarily in western democratic states where political science was most developed – whereby it is asserted by many that it really existed only in these countries (Easton et al., 1990, p. 4), though it was by no means equally developed in all western countries (Mény, 2010) and where there were subject and contextual prerequisites for its critical discussion.
Summary: Acknowledging the scarcity of research on the discipline of political science in Turkey, this chapter presents a historical overview and a detailed depiction of present state of Turkish political science starting from 2000. Late Ottoman and early republican heritage of political science in Turkey is largely dominated by education in law, especially in constitutional law. Since 1960s, individual departments of political science started to emerge. After the introduction of a central administrative overseeing body, the YÖK, or Board of Higher Education, in 1981, political science education began to be delivered more regularly within several different departments such as public administration, international relations, European Union, political science and international relations. The rise of the number of departments required a larger political science community and the student body steadily grew. The chapter provides time-series data on these developments and interprets them. In addition, one can find data and a discussion on gender dimension of political science community, i.e. undergraduate and graduate students as well as faculty members, in the 2000s.
In a paper presented at the XXIInd World Congress of the International Political Science Association in Madrid (2012), Erkki Berndtson surveyed the complex situation of political science in Europe in a comparative fashion. He drew up an interesting set of regional alignments where several common characteristics of political science converge. In the context of Europe, he talked about North European, Central European, South European, and East European approaches where Turkey is located within the South European approach to political science along with France, Spain, Greece, Italy, and a few other nations. Despite showing common South European regional trends, Turkish political science, Berndtson suggests, diverges from French legalistic roots due to American influence (Berndtson, 2012, p. 10). In the first part of this chapter, I would like to see to what extent this observation is valid. Hence, the first part will be an historical survey of Turkish political science from its earliest roots onwards. In the second part, I will focus on a more current vision of the discipline in Turkey and focus on the period from 2000 to 2013.
Summary: The development of political science in Slovenia has a long tradition. Established formally in 1964 and being initially limited by the dominant ideology in the former Socialist Yugoslavia, it was slowly developing, both in teaching and research, maintaining at the same time some space for free debate. The discipline's final modernization and professionalization was a result of democratization process connected closely with the emancipation of Slovenia from the Yugoslav federation. After 1989 and especially after Slovenia's independence in 1991 Slovenian political science research greatly expanded in its interests and abilities Teaching and research in political theory, political institutions, political culture, public policy and administration, international relations and security have been instrumental for the understanding of the new dynamic political processes in the country and in the new international surrounding. Joining the EU and other international organizations was a new challenge for political science expanding its interests on the EU policies. The third period of its development is marked by economic crisis opening the question of the role and purpose of the political science also in the wider context.
(Early) beginnings
The development of the political science in Slovenia may be conceived and investigated only in relation to the wider development of political science in the world taking into account the particular circumstances of the previous integration of Slovenes in the bigger states and disintegration of the Socialist Yugoslav federation at the end of the 1980s. Analysing the development of political science in Slovenia therefore requires a “political sociology” of political science, involving the exploration of a considerable number of political, historical, economic and other factors (internal, external and international) which have influenced the discipline's evolution and at the same time were limiting or increasing its potentials.
Political science has not existed in Slovenia at least formally before the Second World War. We could find some elements of the basic ideas in the works of the first Slovene protestant writers in the 16th century describing the new type of a democratic organization of the believers within the Protestant Church.
Summary: In this scientific article the ways, methods, processes and main effects of political science development in the Republic of Moldova are examined, analyzed and evaluated. The authors put emphasis on the connections between the creation, evolution and development of political science on the one hand and the achievement of the objectives of democratic transition, on the other hand − processes which are performed and complement each other. The authors analyze the development of political science in Moldova according to two criteria: that of theoretical and methodological developments in political science and of the way of political science's institutionalization. In the article we note some achievements in preparation of political scientists through PhD and post-doctoral students, but also describe serious problems arising in the way of achieving the objectives of education and research. The research contains proposals to improve conditions for the development of political science in academic system of the country.
The appearance and development of political science in the Republic of Moldova, as in other ex-Soviet republics’ is a complex, contradictory process of accumulation and affirmation of a relatively new scientific field for academic and university community. This process requires self-identification of subjects of study, its principles and categories, methods of research, analysis and evaluation of political phenomenon. Taken as a whole, these components make up the investigative object of political science's essence, of fundamental paradigms, its theoretical and methodological potential. In the Republic of Moldova these elements were developed during two and a half decades, but until now, this has been a complicated process of accumulation and exploitation of research trends. These results ensue from the complexity of new political practices of new challenges, which have emerged with the collapse of the Soviet empire and, later, difficulties of building new entities on the ruins of the empire.
This book is the result of a co-operative effort of an international team of researchers who came together in search of answers to the question concerning the situation and condition of political science in selected European countries. We have been concerned with this question for quite some time now and the result of our observations are two books devoted to political science in Poland, entitled Political Scientist, Who Are You? Past and Present of Political Science in Poland [in Polish: Kim jesteś politologu. Historia i stan dyscypliny w Polsce, B. Krauz-Mozer, P. Borowiec, P. Ścigaj, Kraków 2011 (vol. I), 2012 (vol. II) Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego]. The book we hereby present to the reader might be seen as a follow-up on those reflections. Together with the authors from a number of countries we have tried to paint a relatively coherent picture of political science in Europe. We are delighted to take this opportunity to thank our authors for their commitment. We are infinitely grateful for their co-operation, valuable observations and the results of their work.
The book contains papers prepared by researchers from various European academic centres, presenting their opinions regarding the condition of political science as well as observations regarding the dominant areas of interest to political scientists in their respective countries. The papers are not always uniform in structure and neither are they entirely coherent with each other in terms of presenting information and interpreting data. This in itself may be seen as a sign of the diversity of political science and its complex nature, which reflects the various ways in which the history of the discipline has unfolded in different countries. Bearing this in mind, we hope that this collection of papers will serve as a reliable compass for all those interested in this subject and will inspire an honest debate on the new challenges faced by political science. The reader alone can decide whether our aim has been achieved. If so, this would mean that we have succeeded in building a bridge that benefits us all.
Summary: The present article gives a detailed analysis of the state of political science and trends of its development in modern Russia in the last decade. The author faithfully celebrates the successes and notes challenges of higher professional education in the universities of the country, basing on the statistical data. The chapter shows the relationship of political science with external factors: the nature of political processes, policy, education, level of professional training of scientists and teachers, etc. and presents the detailed analysis of the main directions of development of political science research in the country. Specifics of network organization of joint research projects between scientists from different regions of Russia in the Russian political science Association are also included. The leading political science journals, enjoying well-earned reputation in the scientific community are described. The bibliography includes the most interesting works published in recent years. The author is candid about the breakthroughs and challenges of the Russian political science.
In Russia the tradition of teaching political science at institutions of higher education began in the XVIII century. The Department of Policy was established in the structure of Moscow University in 1755 at the suggestion of M.V. Lomonosov. The Faculty of Moral and Political Sciences as part of the University of Moscow produced specialists in the field of politics and political economy from 1804 to 1835. In St. Petersburg State University special political science subjects were not given in the XVIII century, but there were courses on “Natural Rights and Practical or Moral Philosophy.” Start of Political Science in this educational centre was laid by the rector of St. Petersburg State University M.A. Balug‘iansky (1819‒1821). There were the faculties and departments in other Russian universities, in Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, in St. Petersburg Pedagogical Institute, where political science was given; master's theses in political science were defended. The infamous “case of the professors of the St. Petersburg State University” (1821), when the master teachers’ staff faced persecution for “freethinking” and attempt to present that the power is not from God, but the result of an agreement between people, was initiated by reactionary forces to destroy the very foundation of the teaching of political science without ideological background on an objective scientific basis.
Political parties matter for government outcomes. Despite this general finding for political science research, recent work on public policy and agenda-setting has found just the opposite; parties generally do not matter when it comes to explaining government attention. While the common explanation for this finding is that issue attention is different than the location of policy, this explanation has never truly been tested. Through the use of data on nearly 65 years of UK Acts of Parliament, this paper presents a detailed investigation of the effect parties have on issue attention in UK Acts of Parliament. It demonstrates that elections alone do not explain changes in the distribution of policies across issues. Instead, the parties’ organizations, responses to economic conditions, and size of the parliamentary delegation influence the stability of issue attention following a party transition.
This paper addresses the relationship between political legitimacy arising from a link with the ‘will of the people’, and political legitimacy arising from beneficial consequences for them. Questioning the common assumption of an inherent trade-off between ‘input’ and ‘output legitimacy’, it suggests that the two necessarily go together, and that their relationship is continuously reconstructed through discursive contestation. These claims are first substantiated conceptually, in reference to the legitimacy literature in European Union (EU) Studies, which is situated in the broader fields of Political Theory and Comparative Politics. In a second step, the argument is developed on the grounds of empirical case material: an interpretive, non-quantitative reconstruction of the changing discourses on EU legitimacy by the European institutions from the 1950s to the early 2000s.
A strong correlation exists between inequality and religion, such that societies marked by high inequality are more religious than those with more egalitarian income distributions. What explains this correlation? Insecurity theory argues that high inequality generates intense insecurities, leading the poor to seek shelter in religion for both psychological and material comfort. This article develops an alternative perspective that reverses the chain of causality. It argues that religious institutions and movements frequently resist both the centralization of state power and socialist efforts to organize the working class. As a result, powerful religious movements constrain state-led efforts to provide social protection, increasing income inequality. Analysis of the historical record and contemporary data from 19 Western democracies reveals strong evidence that past periods of church-state conflict shaped the size and structure of welfare state institutions and, by extension, contemporary patterns of inequality.
Understanding the dynamics of vote-buying is essential for improving accountability in elections in developing democracies. While list experiments are useful for attenuating social desirability bias associated with measuring vote-buying, they are not conducive to multivariate analyses, and the question of what types of individuals are targeted is left inadequately explored. We overcome this limitation by combining a population-based list experiment with an estimator (LISTIT) that allows for multivariate analyses in an efficient manner. Our analysis suggests that in the 2011 parliamentary elections in Turkey over one-third of the electorate was targeted for vote-buying, which is more than double the proportion willing to admit when asked directly. Additionally, we find that strong partisans of the ruling Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi), less-educated individuals, and urban residents are significantly more likely to be targeted for vote-buying. We present compelling evidence for the hypotheses that parties target their core supporters and socio-economically vulnerable individuals. The strength of our evidence derives from the use of original data on vote-buying that has been collected in an unobtrusive manner and analyzed at the level of individuals.
Despite the fact that international courts have proven popular in the last 20 years, systematic and empirical inquiry to determine whether they are beginning to realize their objectives is a fairly recent phenomenon. Support among the publics in the affected countries is critical to their success for, as deGuzman writes, ‘… the globalization of communications increasingly means that an institution’s legitimacy depends on the opinions of ordinary citizens around the world’. I develop a theory of public opinion regarding international criminal justice and test it on support for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), among peoples of the former Yugoslavia. I contend that support for the ICTY is filtered through individuals’ perceptions of the past, present, and future. As one’s beliefs about whether conditions are good or improving grow more positive, such positive perceptions are generalized to extend to international institutions that play a major role in shaping those conditions. In addition, I argue that support for the ICTY is strongly influenced by an individual’s views of the legitimacy and morality of the law. Ethnicity is also important in differentiating levels of support across the peoples of the former Yugoslavia.