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China now has its legal system in place, and in recent years it has assembled substantive laws and regulations that govern the workplace, the employment relationship, and the contractual and statutory rights and benefits of its workers. As China moves ahead to raise the legal standards and levels of coverage and enforcement in these areas and its social security safety net, it also seeks to balance its very successful economic growth and competitive advantages especially as these relate to labor. Employers face increasing obligations and technical legal requirements, which in earlier years did not exist or at least were not consistently enforced. The current global economic downturn now puts added pressures on China to maintain advancement in labor and employment laws.
Although the Labor Law was issued in 1994 with its broad outlines and promises of regulation, the more substantive labor and employment laws were not issued and put into operation until the mid-2000s.
Suddenly, in the mid-2000s, Wal-Mart was unionized and the Chinese trade union, the All China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), launched organization drives aimed especially at the Global Fortune 500 companies doing business in China. Early draft provisions of the new Labor Contract Law sent the American Chambers of Commerce reeling and arguing that the new labor laws and added regulations and costs would drive American companies out of the country. The discussion was so intense that the Chinese government raised issues about foreign interference in China's affairs.
The Labor Law and Labor Contract Law require employers to establish labor rules and regulations to ensure that workers enjoy their rights and perform their labor obligations; the LCL further requires the employer to have certain “consultations” with employees about those rules. Under the LCL, the employer first has a duty of “discussion” with the worker's Congress or all of the employees when it “formulates, revises or decides on rules and regulations or material matters that have a direct bearing on the immediate interests of its workers.” These topics include “labor compensation, work hours, rest, leave, work safety and hygiene, insurance benefits, employee training, work discipline, or work quota management.” The Congress or employee group shall put forward a “proposal and comments,” whereupon the matter shall be determined by “consultations” between the employer and the labor union or the employee representatives. If there is disagreement on the rules' appropriateness, the employer is to seek to improve the rules by amendments. Interestingly, the law does not explicitly require consent before the rules are implemented. Handbook rules and regulations on the above topics that are in conflict with the law are invalid.
Employers' work rules on conduct typically lay out conduct standards with consequences for violations, including warnings, suspensions, terminations, loss of pay, and demotions. They also provide a basis for employers and arbitrators in evaluating the performance of employees, and they offer justifications for personnel decisions other than discipline, such as granting leaves and bonuses.
At the central government level under the State Council, the Ministry of uman Resources and Social Security (MOHRSS) administers labor and employment policies. In March 2008, this ministry took over the functions of the Ministry of Labor and Social Security (MOLSS) (see Table 2.1) and the Ministry of Personnel (MOP). It maintains vertical supervision at the local level through local labor bureaus, which are at the same time also greatly controlled by local governments through their funding and appointments power.
The MOHRSS is one of China's newly designated “super ministries.” Since 1998 its predecessor, MOLSS, has been responsible for social security management and development of policies and legislation for urban, rural, and government workers. Before its 2008 reorganization, it was organized into the following departments: legal affairs, planning and finance, training and employment, labor and wages, pension insurance, unemployment insurance, medical insurance, work-related injury insurance, rural social insurance, social insurance fund supervision, international cooperation, and personnel and education. With the reorganization in 2008, it assumed the functions of the former MOP, with the exception of its civil service department, which is now part of the State Public Servants Bureau.
The reorganized ministry has twenty-three departments, including several new ones (see Table 2.2).
Responsibilities and Functions of the MOHRSS
The MOHRSS, through its departments and subordinate institutions (unchanged from MOLSS, see Table 2.3), is responsible for formulating and implementing policies in the following areas.
Labor disputes arising from statutory or contractual bases are resolved by the governmental labor mediation and arbitration process. The mediation process traditionally occurs within the enterprise and is voluntary. Arbitration is available, but claims must be filed within time limits. The Labor Mediation and Arbitration Law (LMA) became effective on May 1, 2008. It provides increased accessibility for employees and greater finality to the arbitration process. It also clarifies the relationship of arbitration awards to judicial appeal. Certain exceptions to the usual exhaustion requirement are now included where direct access to the court is permitted. The new law seems to have spurred an increased use of arbitration: “Guangdong's courts and arbitrators handled more than twice as many labor disputes this May than a year earlier, after introduction of rules giving workers more rights and making arbitration free.”
The evolving legal regulation of labor arbitration, resulting in the current, primary regulations, began in 1993 with Regulations on Settlement of Labor Disputes in Enterprises, which were followed by the 1994 Labor Law and two Supreme People's Court Judicial Interpretations in 2001 and 2006. The LMA and the Labor Contract Law (LCL) were passed in 2007 and became effective in 2008. On January 1, 2009, new Labor and Personnel Dispute Arbitration Procedure Rules were issued by the MOHRSS. Altogether, the laws make available a three-step process of mediation, arbitration, and litigation.
Labor rights in China, as elsewhere in the world, may emanate from a variety of sources, including international, national, statutory, and contractual law. From these sources come alternative avenues of regulation and enforcement: administrative, labor arbitration, and the courts. The use of these varied approaches can be seen from a brief illustration. Suppose a female employee with a labor contract is discriminated against at work by her employer. Under the Women's Rights and Interests Law, she may complain to administrative authorities, which may investigate and impose sanctions; under this law, she also has a right to proceed to court, but because it is a “labor dispute,” she also has a right (if not a duty) to go to labor arbitration. Similar alternatives are available for an employer that has a trade secret compromised by an employee. The Law against Unfair Competition prohibits infringement of trade secrets, and the employer may take the matter to the State Administration of Industry and Commerce (SAIC), which is empowered to deal with and resolve disputes related to trade secrets. If a labor contract protects confidential information, the labor arbitration process will also be available. Access to the court could arise under either avenue.
Another example is a work-related injury that may need an assessment by the administrative agencies for labor security (usually the local bureau of labor and social security) of the percent of permanent injury; once that administrative agency determines the percent of injury, the employer may dispute the assessment or the duty to pay the employee.
China's rural industrial sector has been the engine driving much of the Chinese economy's dynamism during the reform period. The nature and development of this sector, also referred to as township and village enterprises (TVEs) defy easy explanation. Across regions, there is dramatic variation in property rights among TVEs, ranging from local government ownership to outright private ownership. This book focuses on China's rural industries, offering a theoretical framework to explain institutional change. Susan Whiting explores the complex interactions of individuals, institutions and the broader political economy to examine variation and change in property rights and extractive institutions in China's rural industrial sector. Whiting explains why public ownership predominated during the early years of reform and why privatization is now taking place. This book will be of interest not only to those studying Chinese economic development and reform but also to scholars and students of comparative politics and political economy.
This book provides the most comprehensive analysis of one of the most important issues in China today: the tensions between the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese state legislative, judicial, administrative, and military institutions. Taking the 'neo-institutionalist' approach, the author suggests that the Communist Party in post-1949 China faces an institutional dilemma: the Party cannot live with the state, and it cannot live without the state. Zheng demonstrates that it is not only conceptually constructive, but analytically imperative to distinguish the state from the Communist Party. Secondly, he integrates detailed study with broader generalizations about Chinese politics, thus making efforts to overcome the tendency toward specialized scholarship at the expense of comparative and systemic understanding of China. He also opens a new dimension of Chinese politics - the uncertain and conflictual relationship between the Communist Party and the Chinese state.
Why modern China has been unable to institutionalize democracy is a long-standing topic of debate and the ultimate subject of this book. The greatest momentum for democracy, Edmund Fung contends, emerged between 1929 and 1949 with civil opposition to the one-party rule of the Guomindang. This analysis of China's liberal intellectuals and political activists who pursued democracy in the 1930s and 1940s, fills a gap in the historical literature on the period between May Fourth Radicalism and the Chinese Communists' accession to power. Fung argues that the reasons the growth of democracy was thwarted during this period were ultimately more political than cultural. The Nationalist era contained the germs of a reformist, liberal order, which was prevented from growing by party politics, a lack of regime leadership, and bad strategic decisions. The legacy of China's liberal thinkers can be seen, however, in the pro-democracy movement of the post-Mao period.
This 1994 book examines the relationship between the Communist political elite and the largely anti-Communist intellectual elite during the decade of reform (1977–89). The author, who was a participant in these events, shows how the Deng Xiaoping regime precipitated a legitimacy crisis by encouraging economic reform while preventing political reform, and how the intellectual elite used this situation to increase its own power. The book also offers a theoretical model to explain how a political resistance movement could gain power in a nation that does not have a well-developed civil society. The concept of 'institutional parasitism' shows that rather than developing separate institutions, the anti-Communist intellectuals occupied state structures from which oppositional activity was carried out. The book will be of interest to both scholars of China and students of comparative Communism.
Factionalism is widely understood to be a distinguishing characteristic of Chinese politics. In this book, first published in 2000, Jing Huang examines the role of factionalism in leadership relations and policy-making. His detailed knowledge of intra-party politics offers an alternative understanding of still-disputed struggles behind the high walls of leadership in Zhongnanhai. Huang traces the development of factional politics from its roots in the 'mountaintops' and the enduring impact of the personal bonds formed between Mao and his supporters at the Yan'an Round Table. Critiquing the predominant theories on leadership and decision-making, he explains that it is not power struggles that give rise to factionalism, but rather the existence of 'factionalism that turns power into an overriding goal in CCP politics'. Huang explains why policy outcomes switched constantly between 'Left-adventurism' and 'Right-conservatism' under Mao's reign and between 'emancipation of mind' and 'socialist spiritual civilization' in the Deng era.
Agriculture is a rapidly growing arena for China's economic engagement in Africa. Drawing on new field research in East and West Africa, and in Beijing and Baoding, China, as well as earlier archival research, this article investigates the dimensions of China's agricultural engagement, placing it in historical perspective. It traces the changes and continuities in China's policies in rural Africa since the 1960s, as Chinese policies moved from fraternal socialism to amicable capitalism. Beginning in the 1980s, the emphasis on aid as mutual benefit began to blur the lines between aid, south–south co-operation and investment. Today, Beijing has established at least 14 new agro-technical demonstration stations using an unusual public–private model that policy makers hope will assist sustainability. At the same time, a stirring of interest among land-scarce Chinese farmers and investors in developing farms in sub-Saharan Africa evokes a mix of anticipation and unease.
Several studies have looked at “Africa” in the Western imagery, and explored how it is constructed for Americans through popular media. This article offers a preliminary query into whether Chinese popular media functions in a similar way by examining a 2004 Hong Kong-produced soap opera that uses a medical humanitarian mission in Kenya to advance its plot and central themes. While many tropes regarding Africa found in Western media are repeated, there is a conscious effort in this production to embody a more enlightened approach. Nevertheless, the core relationship is marked by humanitarianism, and necessarily one embodying unequal power relations. The soap opera thus avoids critical questions of development, globalization or even post-colonial solidarity, and instead rests more on older, safer paradigms of modernization. Still, an analysis of the drama reveals contradictions and unresolved tensions in which the relationship with Africa parallels Hong Kong's relationship with mainland China. This study posits that popular culture can offer unique insights into understanding dynamics affecting the evolving relationship between China and Africa.