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The three provinces that constitute the northeastern region of China (Dongbei) are not the most obvious places in which to study land politics and property rights, particularly for a political scientist. The land conflicts that have escalated and attracted international attention, such as the case of Wukan discussed in Chapter 1, most frequently have occurred in the southeast in the Pearl River Delta region or in the Yangzi River Delta region. These areas are the most urbanized in China, comprising agglomeration regions where large urban centers are separated, if at all, by increasingly sparse rural areas. By contrast, the constellation of cities in the Northeast today is much the same as it was thirty years ago. The region has attracted the attention of scholars interested in unemployment and labor politics in China, but land, for the most part, has not figured into the narrative of the rise and fall of China's rust belt.
Yet, I propose we can learn more about land politics and conflict over property rights in reform-era China from a controlled comparison of Northeastern cities than from either single case studies or treating “China” as a single unit of analysis. To be sure, other studies have identified and explained variation in patterns of land conflict, examining how differently situated urban, periurban, and rural residents interact with state land policies and whether citizens pursue distributive or procedural justice claims in response to threats to their land rights. Yet, few studies – if any – have attempted to explain variation in the approaches that different local governments adopt toward land property rights. Indeed, a longitudinal analysis of the use of land as a political resource in the three cities in this study uncovers two critical processes that have heretofore been absent from discussions of land politics. First, the controlled comparison reveals that very different subnational property-rights regimes emerged in the 1980s and 1990s as land markets were liberalized and land-use rights were commodified. This finding is the subject of the following three chapters. Second, the longitudinal comparison also reveals a national shift in land politics, after which most urban governments throughout the country adopted a predatory and expansionist approach to land. I return to this second insight in the conclusion.
Nominally the highest decision-making body in the Chinese Communist Party, the Party Congress is responsible for determining party policy and the selection of China's leaders. Guoguang Wu provides the first analysis of how the Party Congress operates to elect Party leadership and decide Party policy, and explores why such a formal performance of congress meetings, delegate discussions, and non-democratic elections is significant for authoritarian politics more broadly. Taking institutional inconsistency as the central research question, this study presents a new theory of 'mutual contextualization' to reveal how informal politics and formal institutions interact with each other. Wu argues that despite the prevalence of informal politics behind the scenes, authoritarian politics seeks legitimization through a combination of political manipulation and the ritual mobilization of formal institutions. This ambitious book is essential reading for all those interested in understanding contemporary China, and an innovative theoretical contribution to the study of comparative politics.
Once termed the 'world's largest military museum', the Chinese military has made enormous progress over the past twenty years. With skyrocketing military budgets and new technology, China's tanks, aircraft, destroyers, and missile capabilities are becoming comparable to those of the United States. If these trends continue, how powerful will the Chinese military be in the future? Will its capabilities soon rival or surpass those of the United States? The most comprehensive study of its kind, this book provides a detailed assessment of China's military capabilities in 2000 and 2010 with projections for 2020. It is the first of its kind in outlining a rigorous, theoretically and empirically grounded framework for assessing military capability based on not just weaponry but also doctrine, training, equipment, and organizational structure. This framework provides not only the most accurate assessment of China's military to date but an important new tool in the study of military history.