This article aims to evaluate the sociodemographic determinants of ultra-processed foods (UPF) consumption in the Brazilian population ≥ 10 years of age. The study used data from the personal and resident food consumption module of the Family Budget Surveys, grouping foods according to the NOVA classification of food processing. The classification and regression tree (CART) was used to identify the factors determining the lowest to highest percentage participation of UPF in the Brazilian population. UPF accounted for 37·0 % of energy content in 2017–2018. In the end, eight nodes of UPF consumption were identified, with household situation, education in years, age in years and per capita family income being the determining factors identified in the CART. The lowest consumption of UPF occurred among individuals living in rural areas with less than 4 years of education (23·78 %), while the highest consumption occurred among individuals living in urban areas, < 30 years of age and with per capita income ≥ US$257 (46·27 %). The determining factors identified in CART expose the diverse pattern of UPF consumption in the Brazilian population, especially conditions directly associated with access to these products, such as penetration in urban/rural regions. Through the results of this study, it may be possible to identify focal points for action in policies and actions to mitigate UPF consumption.

Between 1964 and 1985, a military dictatorship in Brazil combined an arsenal of political instruments—surveillance, violent repression, and propaganda, among others—to justify its illegal rule. How did the Brazilian military regime attempt to justify its claim to power for more than two decades? What discursive strategies did it use to win popular support, despite the violence it perpetrated? This paper investigates how discourse is used to legitimize power and create meaning in authoritarian regimes. Using ethnographic content analysis of archival materials, I pinpoint and analyze three key discursive frames employed in regime propaganda: “defenders of democracy,” “Great Brazil” and “model citizenship.” I argue that the Brazilian military regime used these frames to justify its authority, forge national values and social norms, and redefine the boundaries of the national community. These findings not only contribute to our understanding of authoritarian power that is wielded and legitimized through discourse, but also speak to the enduring consequences of authoritarianism in sociopolitical subjects.

Twenty years ago, the British Journal of Psychiatry published an editorial regarding racism and psychiatry. Three decades ago, the journal published a lecture by Professor Michael Sheperd about Kraepelin's contributions to racist degeneration theories. A century ago, Albert Einstein visited the Brazilian Academy of Sciences, where he was hosted by Juliano Moreira [1872–1933], one of the most distinguished Brazilian scientists of that time. The only son of a former enslaved woman, he is regarded as one of the founding fathers of scientific psychiatry in Brazil. Moreira may have been a case of ‘exceptional racism’, the strategy of praising outstanding people from oppressed groups as a way of denying or covering up processes of structural racism.

Schrankiana are gastrointestinal parasites of anurans, distributed throughout Central and South America. Schrankiana formosula and Schrankiana inconspicata are some of the most commonly reported species parasitising anurans from Brazil, and the morphological differences between them are unclear. In the present study, we redescribed S. formosula based on a re-examination of type series and newly collected material from the frog Leptodactylus pentadactylus in the state of Amapá, Brazil. Additionally, we re-examined the type series of S. inconspicata, and propose it as a junior synonym of S. formosula. We provide detailed morphological and morphometric data with intraspecific variation analyses and new molecular data for S. formosula. In the present phylogeny, S. formosula formed a well-supported clade with Raillietnema sp. and Labeonema synodontisi. Based on molecular phylogenetic analyses and some morphological similarities, our findings support the hypothesis that Schrankiana is a member of the family Cosmocercidae, not Atractidae. Additionally, we provide the first ultrastructural descriptions of S. formosula, and establish the species' phylogenetic position from the Cosmocercidae.

Spix’s Macaw Cyanopsitta spixii, extinct in the wild since 2000, was successfully reintroduced in Brazil in 2022, leading to significant progress, including the hatching of wild chicks. However, recent restrictions on further releases by the Brazilian government have put the reintroduction programme into jeopardy. This study updates our 2023 population viability analysis (PVA) to assess the impact of these delayed releases on the wild population. Using six modelled scenarios, we confirm that without annual supplementation of captive-bred birds, the probability of extinction in the wild remains at 100%. Even a one-time release is insufficient to secure population stability. Our results highlight that those annual releases of at least 20 individuals are necessary to ensure long-term viability, with reduced but still essential growth achievable with 10 birds per year. Supplementation of the wild population does not compromise the long-term viability of the well-established captive population. We urge immediate action to resume the release programme in 2024 to prevent the species from once again facing extinction in the wild.

The occurrence of dyslipidaemia, which is an established risk factor for cardiovascular diseases, has been attributed to multiple factors including genetic and environmental factors. We used a genetic risk score (GRS) to assess the interactions between genetic variants and dietary factors on lipid-related traits in a cross-sectional study of 190 Brazilians (mean age: 21 ± 2 years). Dietary intake was assessed by a trained nutritionist using three 24-h dietary recalls. The high GRS was significantly associated with increased concentration of TAG (beta = 0·10 mg/dl, 95 % CI 0·05–0·16; P < 0·001), LDL-cholesterol (beta = 0·07 mg/dl, 95 % CI 0·04, 0·11; P < 0·0001), total cholesterol (beta = 0·05 mg/dl, 95 % CI: 0·03, 0·07; P < 0·0001) and the ratio of TAG to HDL-cholesterol (beta = 0·09 mg/dl, 95 % CI: 0·03, 0·15; P = 0·002). Significant interactions were found between the high GRS and total fat intake on TAG:HDL-cholesterol ratio (Pinteraction = 0·03) and between the high GRS and SFA intake on TAG:HDL-cholesterol ratio (Pinteraction = 0·03). A high intake of total fat (>31·5 % of energy) and SFA (>8·6 % of energy) was associated with higher TAG:HDL-cholesterol ratio in individuals with the high GRS (beta = 0·14, 95 % CI: 0·06, 0·23; P < 0·001 for total fat intake; beta = 0·13, 95 % CI: 0·05, 0·22; P = 0·003 for SFA intake). Our study provides evidence that the genetic risk of high TAG:HDL-cholesterol ratio might be modulated by dietary fat intake in Brazilians, and these individuals might benefit from limiting their intake of total fat and SFA.

Anticorruption audits may deter corruption and signal to citizens that institutions are proactively combating it. However, by detecting and reporting corruption, audits might also unintentionally erode trust in institutions. Therefore, the impact of audits potentially hinges on whether they uncover corruption. Audit institutions, not implicated in the corruption they uncover, might be less likely to experience a decline in trust compared to auditee institutions. This study uses survey and administrative data from Brazil, leveraging a federal anti-corruption program that randomly selects municipalities for auditing. Results do not support the claim that audits boost institutional trust. Individuals in audited municipalities show no different levels of trust in local government or the audit institution than those in non-audited municipalities, and the coefficients may even indicate a negative effect. Additionally, audit institutions may not be better insulated from the corrosive effects of uncovering corruption than the institutions they audit.

This article proposes the concept of ‘memory script’ to analyse how, in the aftermath of political violence, memory activists narrate their lives in a way that is practised, repetitive and performative. Through a self-reflective life history of Aluízio Palmar, a Brazilian human rights activist and former political prisoner who suffered intense torture under military rule, this approach seeks to elucidates the personal and political contours of somebody's decision to transform their experiences into a public narrative. A close reading of Palmar's various platforms of memory-sharing reveals the complex moral reckoning of an activist's own trauma.

Under what conditions do incumbents succeed in curtailing programs benefitting large constituencies of low-income voters? We undertake a within-country comparison of four highly popular cash transfer policies in Brazil in the 2010s. Our contribution is threefold. First, we refine the concept of policy drift by distinguishing executive-driven drift (resulting from incumbents’ decisions) from opposition-driven drift (resulting from the veto power of welfare opponents). The latter results from the dispersion of authority; the former is favored by its concentration. Second, we show that executive-driven drift is a successful strategy when programs give incumbents discretion over entitlement and benefits, meaning authority to make unilateral decisions. Third, we argue that executive-driven drift explains retrenchment outcomes better than partisan orientation, size of program’s clientele, and fiscal impacts. Incumbents were more successful in their retrenchment initiatives when concentration of authority in the executive branch allowed them to bypass legislative and judicial veto points.