In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the terrain of the diplomatic and security landscape of Southern Africa shifted dramatically. South Africa declared various Bantustans “independent,” but they were not recognized by other countries. Small regional states like Lesotho increasingly took more combative diplomatic stances, aided by Cold War connections and, in this case, a local border dispute. This article examines a proposed ski resort that South Africa wanted to build in the QwaQwa Bantustan on Lesotho's border starting in 1975. Because of Lesotho's diplomatic and military escalation, the Khoptjoane resort was never built, but the lengthy dispute contributed to the sidelining of the apartheid regime's diplomats in favor of its securocrats. Thus, we argue the failed ski resort contributed to the atmosphere in which Pretoria greenlit the Maseru Massacre of 1982, presaging the apartheid regime's increased 1980s willingness to use its military superiority against township residents and Southern African neighbors alike.

The study investigates the complex relationships between circumcision and HIV prevalence in Lesotho, using Demographic and Health surveys (DHS) conducted in 2004, 2009 and 2014. Before the HIV epidemic, about half of the male adult population was circumcised as part of a traditional custom, and this proportion increased markedly after 2008 with the campaigns of Voluntary Medical Male Circumcision (VMMC), while HIV prevalence stayed at the same level. In 2004, HIV prevalence was higher in circumcised groups than in intact groups (RR=1.49, 95% CI=1.20-1.86). This relationship changed over time, and was inversed in 2014 (RR=0.86; 95% CI=0.70-1.06). The changing relationship seems to be due to an interaction with education, with more educated men being more circumcised and having less HIV over time. A multivariate analysis showed no net effect of circumcision on HIV, after controlling for wealth, education, and indicators of marriage and sexual behaviour. A small net effect of VMMC was found, probably due to condom use. In couple studies, the effect of circumcision and VMMC on HIV was not significant, with similar transmission from female to male and male to female. The study questions the amount of effort and money spent on VMMC in Lesotho.

The article analyses various cases of captivity in a region comprised within modern-day South Africa and Lesotho in the late precolonial period. Focusing on a single social institution, bohlanka, the article follows its traces scattered among the Batlhaping, the Basotho, the Barolong, the Bataung, and other smaller precolonial communities. Generally considered by scholars as a form of clientship based on cattle-loans, bohlanka is here redefined as originating from warfare and captivity, and later expanding to include the destitute. The fundamental elements of the institution — violence, natal alienation, and suspended death — lead to the conclusion that bohlanka constituted a local form of slavery that pre-dated colonial influences.

The motivations of prehistoric hunter-gatherers for selecting particular lithic raw materials are often explained in rigidly functional or symbolic terms. By examining the exploitation of crystal quartz at two Terminal Pleistocene rockshelter sites (Ntloana Tšoana and Sehonghong) in Lesotho, southern Africa, the authors reveal that lithic reduction required a form of engagement unique to that material's specific properties. The preferential use of quartz crystals—irrespective of the availability of a wider range of raw materials—demonstrates agency and variability in the technological decisions.

Rock art worldwide has proved extremely difficult to date directly. Here, the first radiocarbon dates for rock paintings in Botswana and Lesotho are presented, along with additional dates for Later Stone Age rock art in South Africa. The samples selected for dating were identified as carbon-blacks from short-lived organic materials, meaning that the sampled pigments and the paintings that they were used to produce must be of similar age. The results reveal that southern African hunter-gatherers were creating paintings on rockshelter walls as long ago as 5723–4420 cal BP in south-eastern Botswana: the oldest such evidence yet found in southern Africa.

The rhetoric of development served as a language for Sotho politicians from 1960–70 to debate the meanings of political participation. The relative paucity of aid in this period gave outsized importance to small projects run in rural villages, and stood in stark contrast to the period from the mid-1970s onwards when aid became an ‘anti-politics machine’ that worked to undermine national sovereignty. Examination of the democratic period in Lesotho from 1966–70 helps explain the process by which newly independent states gave up some of their recently won sovereignty, and how a turn to authoritarianism helped contribute to this process.

Southernmost Africa (here meaning South Africa, Lesotho and Swaziland) provides an excellent opportunity for investigating the relations between farming, herding and hunting-gathering communities over the past 2,000 years, as well as the development of societies committed to food production and their increasing engagement with the wider world through systems of exchange spanning the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. This paper surveys and evaluates the archaeological research relevant to these communities and issues carried out in the region since the early 1990s. Among other themes discussed are the processes responsible for the emergence and transformation of pastoralist societies (principally in the Cape), the ways in which rock art is increasingly being incorporated with other forms of archaeological data to build a more socially informed view of the past, the analytical strength and potential of ethnographically informed understandings of past farming societies and the important contribution that recent research on the development of complex societies in the Shashe-Limpopo Basin can make to comparative studies of state formation.

The unresolved debate on the mfecane in southern African history has been marked by general acceptance of the proposition that large-scale loss of life and disruption of settled society was experienced across the whole region. Attempts to quantify either the violence or mortality have been stymied by a lack of evidence. What apparently reliable evidence does exist describes small districts, most notably the Caledon Valley. In contrast to Julian Cobbing, who called the mfecane an alibi for colonial-sponsored violence, this article argues that much documentation of conflict in the Caledon region consisted of various ‘alibis’ for African land seizures and claims in the 1840s and 1850s.

The history and development of the four Southern African horse breeds, i.e. Basutho Pony, Nooitgedacht, South African (SA) Boerperd and Cape Boerperd, are traced from their common ancestor, the Cape Horse, to the present day. Recent blood-typing studies of the first three have shown them to be closer related to each other than to any other world breed. At the beginning of the twentieth century the Southern African horse industry was devastated after the Anglo Boer War (1899–1902). Indiscriminate crossbreeding and intentional importation of other specialized breeds led to the near extinction of the descendants of the Cape Horse in South Africa. Fortunately, the efforts of the Government Department of Agriculture and a number of private breeders to identify, conserve and develop the then existing genetic material over the past half century, resulted in the existence today of three small, but viable, registered breeds of locally adapted and versatile horses viz. Nooitgedacht, SA Boerperd and Cape Boerperd. The recent history and apparent present situation of the Basutho Pony in the neighbouring country of Lesotho was also described.

A review is provided of the status of integrated management technologies for the stemborers Busseola fusca and Chilo partellus in Lesotho. Busseola fusca is the most important stemborer of maize and sorghum while C. partellus is only important on sorghum. No stemborer-resistant maize or sorghum varieties are available and farmers mainly plant land races of these crops. Cultural control practices such as the use of crop residue management practices have potential in suppressing borer numbers. Chilo partellus numbers, especially, can be suppressed through the destruction of sorghum crop residues. Studies indicated that adaptation of planting date can lead to escape of damage and reduced yield losses. Surveys indicate that insecticide use is on the increase in Lesotho, but the efficacy of insecticides used for borer control is not always adequate. The most promising area for change towards a pest management system lies in crop residue management. Changing crop residue management practices, especially where sorghum residues are left in the fields, should be encouraged. There is a high likelihood of adoption of a system in which Napier grass is planted around maize fields since farmers place a premium on livestock feed. Development and adoption of an integrated pest management system will, however, only be successful if farmers are involved in its development.