Survey results have shown that the traits women seek in a partner are different from the traits parents seek in a son-in-law. These differences have been attributed to parent–offspring conflict, where parents prefer mates for their offspring who provide benefits to the entire family group, but adult women prefer traits in a potential partner that indicate heritable fitness (e.g. creativity, exciting personality). We compare the characteristics of husbands of women in self-choice and arranged marriages using data from the longitudinal Indonesia Family Life Survey (IFLS) which surveyed families between 1993 and 2015. Results show that the husbands of women in arranged marriages had lower levels of completed education than those from self-choice marriages, counter to predictions. There were no significant differences in the husband’s wealth prior to marriage or the proportion of couples who were of the same religion. An examination of personality traits showed little difference based on arranged marriage status. The only prediction that had significant support was that couples in arranged marriages were more likely to share an ethnic background than couples in self-choice marriages. These results suggest that the characteristics of husbands vary little by arranged versus self-choice marriage status, contrary to previous survey findings.

The process by which “common knowledge” is created via chains of communicative activities is now well understood, especially due to the work of linguistic anthropologists. This paper draws upon this work to examine how “common knowledge” about the causes of tidal flooding in Kendal Regency is created in communiques’ published on Kendal’s municipal government website over a period of seven years. We argue that there are five particular processes at play in the creation of “common knowledge” about flooding in general and tidal flooding in particular as a “natural disaster” in this social domain. We end by pondering why dire predictions about the impact of future tidal flooding events on hundreds of thousands of Indonesians have not yet produced any sustainable solutions within different levels of the Indonesian government.

This article considers the experiences of Dutch and Indonesian women in enforced prostitution for the Japanese military during World War Two and the activism of prominent survivors and their supporters from the 1990s. It highlights how and why Japanese activists have continued to support these women and why Dutch and Indonesian women have rarely engaged in joint activism. It analyses how Dutch and Indonesian women's stories are presented together in a 2015-2016 exhibition at the Women's Active Museum on War and Peace in Tokyo and how women's and soldiers' testimonies are used to advocate further redress from the Japanese government and to challenge military sexual violence against women. The article assesses how a sustained focus in transnational activism on Japanese responsibility and the Japanese imperial context potentially leads to overlooking how localised forms of patriarchy and the specific context of this former Dutch colony affected women's experiences and their post war treatment.

Indonesia's last regional conflict remains intractable. We are reminded of this by demonstrations and mass detentions in 2018 around the 1 December anniversary of Papua's ‘Independence’ Day and the killing a day later of at least 16 construction workers in the central highlands district of Nduga with the military operations that followed. These events will be discussed further in the paper after a brief outline of the conflict in Papua.

This article explores popular music of Japan's Cold War era, with a special focus on singing duo The Peanuts and the film Mothra. It argues that Japanese culture of the Cold War must be understood as participating simultaneously in all three networks of the Cold War order—the First World of capitalist liberal democracies, the Second World of the socialist bloc, and the Third World of the decolonizing and nonaligned Bandung Movement.

Dutch recognition of Indonesia's sovereignty in December 1949 ended the constraints of colonialism, invasion, and reoccupation. Unions were free to reorganize and workers were free to take collective action to improve their lot in life. A labor movement that had struggled against a repressive colonial regime now flourished. There was freedom of association, freedom of the press, electoral politics with universal suffrage, and above all, the right to engage in industrial action. Eight years later, hopes for a strong labor movement with deep roots in workplaces were dashed, first, by the imposition of military law and then, by the collapse of parliamentary democracy. It was not until Suharto's ‘New Order’ regime collapsed in 1998 that workers regained the freedom of association and to engage in collective action.

This article examines the forces behind former Jakarta governor Basuki Tjahaja Purna's recent imprisonment and the subsequent political upheaval in Indonesia. It delves into the murky ties between President Donald Trump's most important Indonesian business partner, multi-billionaire Hary Tanoesodibjo and the latter's relationship with pro-Islamist politicians and the military to evaluate the consequences of political turmoil on the future of Indonesia.

E-commerce applications have significantly changed how people transact with each other. This includes digital advances that drive illegal wildlife trade. In Indonesia, the Conservation Act of 1990 was enacted before the internet revolution and does not, therefore, adequately cover online illegal wildlife trade. In this study we identified wildlife traded illegally through advertisements published by five large national e-commerce companies and one social media platform operating in Indonesia, using 39 keywords. We also analysed data on wildlife cybercrime court case outcomes, associated criminal networks and their modus operandi. Over 12 months, we found 996 advertisements for wildlife and wildlife products, including of 45 nationally protected species, from 421 accounts. Amongst the six platforms monitored, Facebook Marketplace had the highest illegal wildlife trade traffic. We found that those prosecuted for online illegal wildlife trade were given low sentences. Our analysis of wildlife legislation, focus group discussions and expert interviews showed that the Government of Indonesia Trade Law (2014) and Law on Electronic Information and Transactions (2008) cannot be used to prosecute online illegal wildlife trade cases because these laws do not acknowledge regulations for protected species. Our study emphasizes the urgency of revising the Conservation Act and changing the definition of trade to include advertisements of protected species. We recommend development of screening tools for advertisements and accounts on e-commerce platforms, review of community/user guidelines to prohibit trade of protected species, and strengthening the approach of combining multi-context laws with stakeholder cooperation to prosecute online illegal wildlife trade cases.

Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the world’s largest Islamic organisation, is renowned for fostering tolerance in Indonesia. However, recent studies have revealed that the degrees of tolerance NU displays are inconsistent, throwing the organisation’s reputation for acceptance into question. By adopting critical juncture and case study analyses, this article finds that tolerance within NU is dynamic for three reasons. First, it evolves depending on the social-political context of the time. Second, NU upholds tolerance within specific limits, extending it to those who do not contradict the Islamic values it upholds and who do not pose a threat to the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). Third, the commitment to tolerance by NU’s membership, the nahdliyin, varies and does not always align with NU’s principles.

The nature of Indonesia’s foreign policy has long been understood as non-aligned. It has been associated with the basic tenet of bebas aktif (being independent and active) and the evolving international relations of the state, which demonstrated continuity in its non-side-taking position in the Cold War. However, recently, new trends in Indonesia’s regional and global conduct have emerged, including the diversification of multilateral engagements beyond ASEAN, the strengthening of various forms of strategic partnerships with major Indo-Pacific powers, and the adoption of normative hedging policies in response to sensitive international issues. What explains these developments? The conception of Indonesian foreign policy as being defined by non-alignment is no longer appropriate. This article argues that Indonesia now employs a partial multi-alignment strategy. Nevertheless, limited national power and persistent threat perceptions prevent the state from pursuing a fully multi-aligned strategy.

Indonesia's volcanoes are places of recreation, aesthetic production, and scientific knowledge-gathering, as well as sites of pilgrimage, spirituality, and natural disasters for locals as well as international travellers. In this article, I focus on volcanoes as historic sites of labour to demonstrate the entanglement of colonial tourism and science with local forms of work and knowledge, and to reveal the origins of the porting and guiding work that takes place on Indonesia's volcanoes to this day. Using Tina Campt's method of “listening to images,” I show how colonial photographs, albeit partial sources, make modes of subaltern labour visible that written sources routinely minimised, restoring porters, guides, and what I call “camp domestics” to histories of service, science and geotourism in Indonesia. Recognising the homosocial setting of the colonial scientific expedition and the peculiar physical challenges of the volcano environment, I also examine the negotiation of Indonesian and European masculinities and their intersection with class and racial hierarchies on the volcano. The article thus reflects on how Javanese workers’ spatial and social mobility entailed the negotiation of opportunity as well as exploitation on tour.

The COVID-19 pandemic has presented multifaceted challenges globally, impacting adolescent health. Among these, food security and nutrition are intertwined closely with mental health outcomes. In Indonesia, with its diverse socio-economic landscape, these interconnections may have been exacerbated by the pandemic. This study investigated the relationship between food security, nutrition and adolescent mental health in Indonesia during COVID-19. Longitudinal data were collected from 511 adolescent boys and girls in 2021–2022 in Gunungkidul district, Yogyakarta. Food security was measured using the Household Food Insecurity Access Scale (HFIAS), and the validated Kessler-10 Psychological Distress Scale (K10) was used to measure adolescent depression. Multivariate linear regression and linear mixed-effects regression were employed to explore associations between these variables, while adjusting for sex, age, pubertal status and household income. Overall, food insecurity score was positively associated with depressive symptoms (β: 0·72, 95 % CI 0·52, 0·92), while BMI z-score was inversely associated (β: −0·31, 95 % CI 0·68, −0·03). We found an increase in strength of association between food insecurity and depressive symptoms over time (moderately food-insecure: β: 1·36 (95 % CI −0·10, 2·83) to 4·63 (95 % CI 2·17, 7·09); severely food-insecure: β: 1·89 (95 % CI 0·36, 3·41) to 3·30 (95 % CI 1·50, 5·10). Enhancing food access, improving nutritional status and providing mental health support are crucial components of adolescent health.