In the first half of the twentieth century, deaths from infectious disease, especially among the very young, fell dramatically in American cities. However, as infant mortality fell and life expectancy rose, racial inequality in urban infectious disease mortality grew. In this paper, we show that the fall in mortality and the rise in racial inequality in mortality reflected two countervailing processes. The dramatic decline in infant mortality from waterborne diseases drastically reduced the total urban infectious disease mortality rate of both Black and white Americans while having a comparatively small effect on the total racial disparity in urban infectious disease mortality. In contrast, the unequal fall in tuberculosis mortality, particularly in the prime of life, widened racial inequality in infectious disease mortality in US cities.

Nutrition and the incidence of diseases during early life are considered environmental factors that determine people’s height when they become adults. While there is extensive literature focusing on the relationship between physical growth, general mortality and infant mortality rates, few studies analyse the impact of certain disease groups on the final height of historical populations. Using regional mortality rates by causes of death, the main objective of this study is to determine the onset of the disease environment during early life for populations born in Spain between 1916 and 1930, and its relationship with the stature reached at 21 years of age. A population-averaged model is performed on epidemic-infectious, gastrointestinal, and congenital diseases during the gestation period and first year of life. The disease burden in early life had a statistically significant negative effect on adult stature. These results support the premise that an improvement in the disease environment could lead to a greater number of short children surviving and therefore a decrease in the average height.

The population surviving to old age in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is increasing rapidly in consonance with the rest of the world. Nevertheless, the sub-region offers unique challenges to survival across the lifespan. The determinants of health and ageing in SSA are thus likely different from those in higher income countries. The need to explore pressing epidemiological and health service challenges of older people living in SSA in the context of multiple social changes and rapid ageing of the population provided the rationale for the Ibadan Study of Ageing (ISA). This article appraises ISA findings in relation to late-life depression. It concludes that healthcare policies in SSA need to deliberately prioritise the treatment of depression and other mental health problems in late-life in order to stem the neglect of older people's mental health in the region.

This paper begins with a simple illustration of the choice between individual and population strategies in population health policy. It describes the traditional approach on which the choice is to be made on the relative merits of the two strategies in each case. It continues by identifying two factors—our knowledge of the consequences of the epidemiological transition and the prevalence of responsibility-sensitive theories of distributive justice—that may distort our moral intuitions when we deliberate about the choice of appropriate risk-management strategies in population health. It argues that the confluence of these two factors may lead us to place too much emphasis on personal responsibility in health policy.

The main feature of the epidemiological transition is a shift in the recorded causes of death from infectious diseases to other morbid conditions. This paper outlines modifications made to Omran's original model and stages of transition, and suggests that without a focus on aetiology and morbidity, these have been basically descriptive rather than explanatory, and potentially misleading because infections have been confirmed as causes of various chronic diseases. Common infections and related immune responses or inflammatory processes contribute to the multifactorial aetiology of morbid conditions that together make a substantial contribution to overall mortality, and infectious causation is suspected for many others because of strong evidence of association. Investigation into possible infectious causes of conditions frequently recorded as the underlying cause of death can be integrated into a framework for comparative research on patterns of disease and mortality in support of public health and prevention. A theory of epidemiological transition aimed at understanding changes in disease patterns can encompass the role in different conditions and chronic diseases of infections contracted over the life course, and their contribution to disability, morbidity and mortality relative to other causes and determinants.

This article discusses Africa’s deepening marginalization in the globalization of production, finance, and labor. It underscores critical development issues that result from, and are exacerbated by, globalization in the context of unequal global distribution of economic and political power: illicit financial flows and tax evasion, the brain drain, an increasing incidence of noncommunicable diseases, and the disproportionate burden of environmental degradation that is shouldered by the African continent. It also offers some policy suggestions to address these issues at national and regional levels.

Urbanization involves a physical change in which increasing proportions of populations live in urban settings, however defined. It also implies considerable changes in the ways in which these people live, how they earn their livelihoods, the food which they eat, and the wide range of environmental factors to which they are exposed. There is another underlying assumption that, increasingly, urban populations will be more healthy than their rural counterparts and that higher levels of urbanization will equate with better health status. This paper discusses some of the assumptions underlying this contention. It takes issue with certain of them, particularly the assumption that urbanization affects the health of all residents equally. It is manifestly evident that in many cities, particularly in the developing world, the poor are exposed to greater risks and have much lower health status than their richer neighbours. In addition, whilst urban residents may theoretically have a better access to health care and services than do residents in many rural areas, and whilst many indicators of health do appear better in more highly urbanized societies than ones less so, there are caveats. The paper introduces the concept of epidemiological transition, which suggests that, whilst life expectancy might be higher in many urbanized countries and in certain cities, the inhabitants are often merely suffering from different forms of ill-health, often chronic or degenerative, rather than infective. In certain cities in middle-income countries, residents, particularly the poor, are exposed to a double risk of both infection and chronic degenerative ailments. The paper concludes with a consideration of more general recent statements from the World Health Organization among others, on the impact of urbanization on health. The ‘Healthy Cities’ project is also discussed. WHO identifies a range of general determinants of urban health: physical, social, cultural and environmental. Many represent the by-products of modernization and especially industrialization. It is emphasized that urbanization, and the concentration of human beings into new areas in particular, can bring exposure to new risk factors for large numbers of people. The growth of infectious and parasitic disease in some urban settings must therefore be recognized, as must the emergence of chronic diseases, with the concomitant need for investment in new types of health and social care. However, a number of constraints militate against the achievement of improved urban health, especially in developing countries. The paper concludes by considering some important constraints: the very scale of urban health problems; the impacts of structural adjustment programmes which cut public expenditure on environmental health, health services and nutrition, thereby increasing the vulnerability of the poor; urban management problems; lack of political will; and the difficulties of measuring change in health and effects of policies.