Maternity rights in the UK have from the outset aroused controversy on account of their intricacy and failure to apply to all working women. This article charts the historical development of such rights and highlights in particular the influence of European Union law in widening their ambit. It also sets out the current statutory provisions and describes how case law has at the same time compounded the problems of complexity and attempted to construe the legislation in a purposive manner. The article concludes by noting recent legislative changes and assessing their potential to resolve the existing problems as well as their effect on bringing the UK into line with its European Union partners.

In 1998, a private member’s Bill, the Paid Parental Leave Bill, was introduced into the New Zealand Parliament. Although it was subsequently defeated, the Bill stimulated debate over paid parental leave in both New Zealand and Australia - two countries conspicuous in international terms for their lack of such provisions. It showed that a progressive approach could be devised to fit the New Zealand context, and raised hopes that increasing political pressure would stimulate a move towards extension of parental rights in the Antipodes. Ultimately, the Bill proved too much of a challenge within the present New Zealand system, and the potential for change was confounded by lack of political support. However, future political compromises around the issue of paid parental leave remain a possibility in the volatile New Zealand political system.

This paper analyses the International Labour Organisation’s recent review of its Maternity Protection Convention (No. 103) and Recommendation (No. 95) from a feminist perspective, arguing the need for more comprehensive provisions in a revised convention. It also evaluates the provision of maternity rights in Australia, the Australian government’s position in relation to the ILO convention, and the capacity for international standards to extend maternity rights in this country. It argues that federal law reform is necessary to strengthen women’s maternity rights at work, and notes the importance of ratification of ILO 103 to such an agenda. However, the author is somewhat pessimistic about the immediate prospects both for the extension of standards in ILO provisions, and for substantial progress on maternity rights in Australia.

‘Family-friendly’ policies have recently gained a high profile in Australia, featuring increasingly in political rhetoric, company policies, industrial provisions and human resource management discourse. While initiatives to enhance the combination of work and family responsibilities may make relatively minor contributions to equal employment opportunity efforts, they do bring into consideration some of the broader social impediments to gender equity in paid employment. Some assessment of their accessibility and impact is therefore warranted. In this paper we examine the distribution of work and family provisions in the Australian labour market, and provide an assessment of their implementation in selected organisations. Our findings indicate that access to work and family provisions is uneven across the Australian labour market, particularly in the private sector; and suggest that even where provision is exemplary, the impact is at best moderate.

The paper has two main objects. The first is to discuss the nature of (economic) globalisation and the extent to which it can be considered an exogenous development. Globalisation since 1970 is contrasted with that in the 19th century. It is argued that the current experience of globalisation is simply the international manifestation of the swing towards neoliberal policies of market oriented reform that hag taken throughout the world since 1970. The second object is to consider the relationship, if my, of globalisation to the increase in inequality evident in a number of developed countries. It is argued that increased inequality is the result of the neoliberal reform program as a whole and that the role of globalisation per se has been overstated.

Drawing on lessons learnt from an analysis of why Australia was not subject to the same degree of contagion from the Asian crisis as were our near neighbours, this paper looks at what elements of reform to the international economic architecture are desirable and why. These include: wider representation in the economic councils of the world, in part to give more legitimacy to the rules of the game; bailing in the private sector both for equity reasons and to reduce moral hazard as well as to contribute to solving the immediate problem; far reaching prudential rules e.g. restrictions on banks’ short term borrowing and on foreign currency denominated borrowing; the possibility of controls on short term capital inflow; and greater transparency with increased disclosure by all major participants including hedge funds.

The argument that there exist a causal link between national savings and current account deficits is often simplistically formulated in terms of national income accounting identities. However the validity of formulating national saving-argmenting policies to target current account deficits is open to much debate when the possible theoretical linkages between these aggregates are investigated more closely. In particular; if the adjustment mechanism to external balance is expenditure driven rather than relying on exchange rate induced relative price changes, the alternative case of interventionist policy to promote net exports is strengthened. Theoretical arguments opposing the use of interventionist trade policies are often derived form inappropriately constructed, or simplistically interpreted, economic models.

Labour market ‘deregulation’ is a major economic policy issue in Australia. Some of the desire for deregulation has been part of a worldwide trend in OECD countries whilst some comes from more localised disquiet about the alleged effect of Australia’s industrial relations institutions on the economy. This article looks at the evidence em Australian labour market regulation and its relation to economic performance. The article finds that Australian labour market institutions have had little effect on efficiency but have provided important distributional outcomes. Furthermore it is argued that with ‘globalisation’ there is more reason to continue labour market protection not less to enhance Australia’s capacity to trade and invest in the global economy.