Figures 3–5 were printed incorrectly on pp. 351–52 of the above publication. The correct figures, titles, and captions, are presented below.

As a pracademic for my entire career and a department chair for almost 20 years, I found the wonderful symposium on pracademics to be right on target. The examples and the advice for faculty and administrators are invaluable to our profession. Thank you for publishing it.

I read the article titled “The Logic of the Tenure Decision: In Dubio Contra “Reum” that was published in the most recent issue of PS. I am particularly interested in this discussion and re-evaluation of tenure because it is a timely issue (within and outside of academia) and because I have been personally and professionally involved in the process at many levels for many years.

I thank Professor Ugarte for his comments and reflections and am glad that my essay, published in a political science journal, has elicited scholarly interest far beyond the confines of our discipline, in a department of Spanish literature. While it would take too much space to respond to all comments (for instance, concerning a “turf battle”), I want to clarify a few important points.

My talk honors the contribution of Ithiel de Sola Pool to empirical political theory, a field pioneered by Pool, David Easton, and Gabriel Almond, inter alia. Pool's 1967 edited volume, Contemporary Political Science: Toward Empirical Theory illustrates some of the important early works in this field, a field designed to generate political theory from the systematic examination of empirical data. To demonstrate the kind of work Pool developed, I begin my talk by suggesting what studying altruism and genocide taught me about broader themes in political, social, and moral theory. I then suggest how I developed a new theory of moral choice in order to explain the surprising finding that identity trumped choice for all the participants I interviewed about their actions during the Holocaust and World War II, from Nazis and bystanders to rescuers of Jews. This paper thus summarizes the highlights of the 2010 Pool Lecture to provide a few illustrations of the empirical findings that led me to develop an identity-based theory of moral choice.

In 2011, the Fulbright Scholar Program celebrates its 65th anniversary as America's preeminent international educational exchange program. In recognition of its international impact, this is a timely occasion to recall the program's history and note the roles of political scientists who have taught and conducted research around the globe as Fulbright Scholars.

Studies of mass political attitudes and behavior before the 1950s have been limited by a lack of high-quality, individual-level data. Fortunately, data from public opinion polls conducted during the late New Deal and World War II periods are available, although the many difficulties of working with these data have left them largely untouched for over 60 years. We compiled and produced readily usable computer files for over 400 public opinion polls undertaken between 1936 and 1945 by the four major survey organizations active during that period. We also developed a series of weights to ameliorate the problems introduced by the quota-sampling procedures employed at the time. The corrected data files and weights were released in May 2011. In this article, we briefly discuss the data and weighting procedures and then present selected time series determined using questions that were repeated on 10 or more surveys. The time series provide considerable leverage for understanding the dynamics of public opinion in one of the most volatile—and pivotal—eras in American history.

We propose an experimental design particularly adapted to the study of individual behavior in collective action situations. The experimental protocol improves on the artificiality that is commonly present in lab and survey experiments to achieve a closer replication of the real-life conditions of such decisions while avoiding the high costs associated with field experiments. We exemplify this design by means of a study on strategic voting in elections.

In this article, we present a principled method for updating estimates of the ideology of Supreme Court justices based on each new vote they cast. We apply this method to the ideological positions of the newly appointed members of the Court: John Roberts, Samuel Alito, and Sonia Sotomayor. This approach allows us to gain not only an estimate of justices' ideologies but also a greater understanding of the level of uncertainty we should have about these values, including how much we can learn about a new justice's views after he or she has cast a given number of votes on the Court.

This article demonstrates that racial prejudice was strongly related to the state-level nonblack vote in the 2008 presidential election, which featured the first African American candidate from a major party, Barack Obama. Additional tests show that while prejudice also explains shifts in the nonblack vote between 2004 and 2008, its influence on voting in the 2000 and 2004 elections was modest at best. Furthermore, there is no relationship between racial attitudes and state-level presidential approval of George Bush in 2008. Taken together, the findings suggest that prejudice does not have a pervasive influence on political behavior and opinion. Instead, the effect appears to have been triggered by the presence of Barack Obama on the ballot. Had there been less prejudice among the American voting public, Obama would likely have won an electoral vote landslide.

In the 2008 presidential nomination campaigns, both Obama and McCain staked out clear positions on the Iraq war. Exit polls conducted in primary and caucus contests show that the war in Iraq was indeed the key issue of support for the winning contenders. However, it was not agreement with the candidates' positions that drove primary voters into the arms of Obama and McCain; rather, it was concern with the Iraq war. Primary voters treated the war as a valence issue, not as a position issue. Each candidate also won an early contest (the Iowa caucuses for Obama and the New Hampshire primary for McCain) in which concern over the Iraq war was especially strong. Those victories sparked a momentum for both candidates in subsequent contests. As a result, both Obama and McCain owed their respective nominations for president to the combination of war and momentum.

Each election year, colleges and universities across the nation witness a plethora of on-campus voter registration activities. The results of these drives are most often assessed by tallying the number of voter registration cards collected. Little has been done, however, to more carefully investigate these results. As a first attempt to examine postdrive results more thoroughly, we ask two questions. First, do students who register through an on-campus voter registration drive actually make it to the voting booth? Second, does providing basic information about the voting process increase turnout among students who register through an on-campus voter registration drive? In this study, we investigate the overall turnout rate of students registering to vote in the 2008 presidential election through on-campus registration drives by validating votes through the office of the county voting registrar. We then compare the turnout rate of students who registered through the on-campus drives with the turnout rate of similar young people nationwide. Finally, we investigate whether the provision of information through certain avenues boosts turnout. Our findings show that students who registered through an on-campus voter registration drive turned out to vote at a higher rate than similar young people nationwide. Additionally, we found small but important effects of information provision through different formats.

The purpose of this article is to examine the potential impact of Hispanics on the electoral geography of the southern United States after the 2010 decennial census. Hispanics are the largest and fastest-growing minority group in the United States today. In addition to traditional Hispanic destinations such as Florida and Texas, many of the areas experiencing the most rapid growth in Hispanic population are southern states such as Georgia, North Carolina, and Virginia. Geographic information systems are used to determine where majority-minority and influential districts are likely to emerge in southern states. We argue that although the Latino population has increased significantly over the past decade, the proportion of Latinos living in southern states remains relatively low in comparison to the general population. Therefore, no new majority-minority or influence districts will emerge in Louisiana, Mississippi, or Tennessee. Majority-minority and influence districts are likely to emerge in Arkansas, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia at the state and local levels, but not at the U.S. congressional level. Texas and Florida are the only southern states where new majority-minority and influence districts are likely to emerge at the U.S., state, and local levels after the 2010 decennial census.

Scholars often use referenda as the plural for referendum. This choice is a hypercorrection—it may sound like proper Latin, but it is not. Referendums is always the correct choice. However, we maintain that there is value in using referendums for multiple events and referenda for multiple propositions.

This article addresses Andrew Rehfeld's attempt to ensure a place for political theory within political science, which he does partly by showing how political theory fits into a defensible definition of political science and partly by excluding much political theory from the discipline in order to safeguard the rest. His account of what the discipline should comprehend is overly narrow, however, and does not serve the interests of the sorts of political theory he strongly believes are worth doing. I argue instead that political science must be defined by its subject matter alone, and that political theory's contribution to this subject matter must be defended.

This article investigates the variables that affect the award of tenure in political science departments in the United States. We examined two dependent variables: (1) whether a department has denied tenure in the past five years, and (2) whether a positive departmental tenure recommendation has been reversed by higher college or university authorities during the same period of time. Five clusters of independent variables were evaluated: (1) college/university and departmental characteristics, (2) the procedures employed to evaluate tenure cases, (3) the instruments used to assess teaching, (4) service expectations, and (5) research and publication standards. We found that the most important factors affecting departmental decisions to deny tenure were whether teaching and substantive publications were treated as equally valuable qualifications, the number of articles a candidate published, and the candidate's level of commitment to advising. Interestingly, reversal decisions by higher authorities were not strongly affected by any of the variables in the analysis.

Doctoral programs take great care in assuring that students are prepared to enter the job market and become effective teachers and researchers. However, once faced with the daunting task of landing their first position, students are oftentimes left on their own. Given the current state of the job market—more applicants for fewer jobs—it is essential that students understand the process and what they should expect as they work to receive their first academic position. In this article, we walk students through the hiring process from deciding which jobs to apply for to handling contract negotiations.

We provide advice to presenters at political science conferences. Our advice is based on the idea that the goal of a professional presentation is to provide an audience with information it can understand, discuss, and remember. We argue that current presentational norms in our discipline are counterproductive, and we encourage presenters to make their presentations more constrained, less technical, and more connected to the political world outside of political science.

We critique the typical use of visual aids at political science conferences and make suggestions about more effective ways to incorporate them into presentations. Our main suggestions are that political scientists should use fewer and simpler slides, and that those slides should contain visually rich information that illustrates a speaker's point without distracting the audience from his or her words.

There may be no greater concern in political science than the state of the job market. Particularly for newly minted Ph.D.s, the number and type of jobs available and their possibility of success on the market are sources of great anxiety. Similarly, department chairs, graduate directors, and dissertation chairs struggle as they make choices about recruiting faculty and students and determine how to advise their students as they progress toward their degrees. These concerns are common in most years, but they have been especially salient in the last several years, when the economic downturn has affected nearly every aspect of higher education. The purpose of this report is to present data that will assist faculty and students in navigating the political science employment landscape.