The daggers of the Early Iron Age in Britain are remarkable technical achievements, among them some of the earliest iron implements to be made in Britain. They deserve detailed study particularly for the light they throw on the prehistory of its earliest phase, the Iron Age ‘A’. The earlier daggers may be classified quite straightforwardly according to their analogies among the continental daggers, six with the Hallstatt-D and eighteen with the La Tène I, thus giving a dating scheme, from the 6th century to the later 4th century B.C. All these come from southern England, and form a compact group mostly from the Thames in its reaches for about 8 miles west of London.

In the thirty-mile stretch of the valley of the Tay, between its exit from Loch Tay and its entry into the more low-lying regions near Dunkeld, is a remarkable concentration of prehistoric monuments (fig. 1) which can be matched in Scotland only in the Crinan district of Argyll. The majority of sites lie on the flood plain and alluvial gravels of the valley floor, and comprise a series of standing stones, stone circles and round barrows. Until recently, little field work or excavation had been carried out on these sites, although all appeared to be characteristic of monuments of the second millennium B.C. The barrows in particular were of interest in that they appear superficially to be of earthen construction and form a distinctive group of monuments largely confined to this area. Although several had been disturbed, none had been excavated. The majority of them are tree-covered, or had originally supported trees, and many are of very great size, up to 130 feet in diameter and 30 feet in height. In an attempt to ascertain the date and cultural affinities of this group, it was decided to excavate one of these sites in 1964. The site selected was at Pitnacree, five miles east of Aberfeldy (Nat. Grid Reference NN928533). Although the barrow was covered by trees, their arrangement made it possible to excavate a considerable portion of the site, and the comparatively small size of the mound allowed a fairly full excavation. During the six-week season of excavation, a survey of analogous barrows, standing stones and stone circles in Strathtay was carried out. Details of these sites will be found in Appendix I.

The discovery of part of a large ‘sewn’ boat on the banks of the Humber at North Ferriby, East Yorkshire, in 1937, was announced just before the late war. Exploration which revealed many of the outstanding details of construction as well as the limits of the find, was carried out during 1938 and 1939, with a view to full excavation and, if possible, salvage in 1940. This prospect naturally disappeared on the outbreak of war, leaving us in some anxiety whether the boat would survive destruction by the waters of the river. The danger induced us to remove at intervals just before and during the war three sections from the lower end which would otherwise have been lost. Of these sections about half the pieces were stored in the Municipal Museum at Hull where they were destroyed when that building was set on fire by incendiary bombs and burnt down in 1942. The rest were kept at North Ferriby and, although shrunken and cracked for want of treatment, at least survive. In spite of our attentions a considerable amount of the remaining part of the boat was carried away.

The reopening of the gravel pit at Highlands Farm, Henley (742813) in the ancient channel of the Thames between Caversham and Henley in 1955 has afforded an opportunity for studying the Palaeolithic contents of the gravel in detail. A short report was presented to the Society in 1956 after some initial observations, the most important of which was that the majority of the flint implements found were of Clactonian type (Wymer, 1956). In the five years since several hundred hand-axes and cores and many thousands of flakes have been recorded from this pit, many of them in situ, collected in the preparation of witness sections. The Clactonian has still been found to be the most abundant flint industry, but several types of hand-axes have occurred, some very highly finished and seemingly at variance with the early date assigned to the ancient channel on geological grounds.

The collection of material in situ has shown conclusively that all the types of flint artifacts found at Highlands occur at all levels; nowhere is one particular type stratified in relationship to another. It is only by comparing the finds with those made at other sites in the Thames Valley that justification can be found for claiming that more than one industry is represented. The gravel filling of the ancient channel resembles the majority of Lower Palaeolithic sites in the Thames Valley, and elsewhere in Britain: several flint industries are jumbled indiscriminately together. Many tens of thousands of years may divide the individual artifacts within the gravel, but there is no stratigraphical evidence to show it.

The Didwana region has preserved lower palaeolithic artefacts in primary and semi-primary contexts. On the basis of geological stratigraphy of aeolian and playa sediments, artefacts occurring in a stratified context have been dated to the Middle Pleistocene. In order to work out technological evolutionary trends of the acheulian culture in this region, 301 handaxes from 10 localities have been studied following Roe's methodology, with some additional attributes. Some differences in size, shape and refinement are apparent between the collections. Statistics, diagrams, factor and cluster analyses suggest a technological evolution within the assemblages and therefore indicate the chronology of the sites. Compared with those of other known Indian sites, these handaxes may correspond to cultural stages ranging between early acheulian and very late acheulian or even early middle palaeolithic.

The primary object of the present article is to offer a review of the current state of knowledge of those flange-hilted swords of bronze which characterize the earliest phase of the Hallstatt period, and of some derivative varieties; and to support it by as complete an inventory of the available material as lies within the writer's power. It aspires, accordingly, first and foremost to be a factual survey of a clearly defined group of weapons, which over a significant portion of the area treated were the last of their kind to be made in bronze.

More specifically, it is hoped that the topographical, typological, and chronological aspects of this essay may be found acceptable, in and for themselves, and as a basis for further study. But the interpretation of the character of the Hallstatt sword, and the socio-historical situation presented as a background to that, inevitably lie in a more speculative field, and are offered solely as a possible explanation of the genesis of the type. This explanation, if correct, would indeed make good sense of a number of otherwise disconnected factors. It remains, nevertheless, a hypothesis propounded to account for the origins of the material under review; and can be jettisoned, in whole or in part, without at all impairing the validity of the treatment of that material, once it had come into being.

Though the contemporary swords of iron are certainly overdue for comprehensive and up-to-date treatment, they fall outside the scope of this study.

Thirty-four years ago there appeared in the Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society the third and final paper in a series reporting the research of Eric Higgs and his colleagues into the climate, environment, and Stone Age record of north-west Greece (Higgs et al. 1967). This paper discussed two limestone rockshelters, Kastritsa and Asprochaliko, comparatively in what is now a classic example of site catchment analysis. Kastritsa, in the Pamvotis lake basin, and Asprochaliko, some 35 km away in the Louros river valley (Fig. 1), were destined to become famous, not only for being amongst the first sites in Greece to yield stratified Palaeolithic deposits, but also for the methodological and interpretative issues raised by their archaeological records. The ideas presented in the 1967 paper aroused considerable debate and controversy regarding when and during which seasons the sites were used and whether they were complementary parts of the region's Upper Palaeolithic settlement system (Higgs et al. 1967; Bailey et al. 1983; Bailey 1997a; Green 1997). The essential assumption underlying Higgs' original hypothesis was that some of the strata recovered from these sites were contemporaneous. In recent years the upper part of Kastritsa (strata 1 & 3) has also been considered to be partly coeval with two of the rockshelters in the Voidomatis river valley, namely Klithi and Megalakkos (Fig. 1).

The Iron Age settlement on Micklemoor Hill, West Harling, (Nat. Grid 62/975857) was discovered by Mr H. Apling while prospecting for Bronze Age cooking-places on the course of the river above Thetford during 1932. The site is a prominent hill of glacial gravel approximately 300 yards long and 150 yards wide, rising some 20 feet above the level of the surrounding marsh and rough grazing pasture and bounded to the north at a distance of between 200 and 600 feet by the river Thet. Its most prominent feature at the present day is a mound covering a brick-lined ice-house of 19th century construction and surrounded by a group of conifers. The prehistoric features discovered by Apling comprised two enclosures, an ‘Eastern Camp’ (our Site II), consisting of a low broad bank with external ditch and well defined opening on the west, and a larger ‘Western Camp’ (our Site III) of which only slight traces of a ditch were visible.

The excavations carried out by Apling in 1932 were mainly directed to the eastern enclosure: in addition to a number of trial holes he dug two-foot trenches across the site from two directions. No pottery was found in the interior, but the ditch which he located outside the bank yielded pottery, bones and flints. Accordingly a length of some 20 yards of the ditch-filling was removed on the eastern side and from this a really substantial quantity of material was obtained.

The remains of the first Iron Age chariot burial in Britain outside Yorkshire were discovered during the winter of 2000–1, near the Bronze Age burial mound of Huly Hill, at Newbridge, Edinburgh. Excavated by Headland Archaeology (UK) Ltd with the assistance of the National Museums Scotland, the chariot proved unique beyond just its burial location. The Newbridge chariot was buried intact, a method consistent with the burial practices of Continental Europe rather than Yorkshire, where they were predominantly buried disassembled. Detailed post-excavation analysis revealed a history of repair and reuse, and construction techniques that indicate links with the chariot building traditions of both Yorkshire and Continental Europe. Fifth century bc radiocarbon dates for the burial place it firmly within La Tène A, consistent with its similarities to European examples and indicating that it pre-dates the known Yorkshire examples. This indicates the emergence of a British tradition of chariot construction by this time, familiar with Continental habits and technology but distinctively different in such areas as wheel construction and suspension fittings. Based on the findings, a reconstruction of the chariot was built for display in the National Museums Scotland, providing an opportunity further to understand and confirm the construction techniques observed or hypothesised during excavation.

Until the discovery of the Aylesford urnfield seventy-five years ago, the Belgae were still no more than dramatis personae in Caesar's Gallic War. It was Sir Arthur Evans who first identified the users of the Aylesford cemetery with the invaders ex Belgio referred to by Caesar. Reginald Smith's publication of the Welwyn grave-groups (1912) and then Bushe-Fox's excavation of the Swarling urnfield (1925) were followed, in 1930, by Hawkes' and Dunning's account of the history of the British and Continental Belgic tribes, which has remained the standard work on the subject ever since.

Thus, it has been accepted that the archaeological material of Aylesford-Swarling type represents the introduction of Belgic culture into Britain. Its continental origins were traced to northern Gaul, the area occupied by the historical Belgae, where a similar series of cremation burials of Late La Tène date is known. This continental series, thought to mark a change from what seemed to be the universal practice of inhumation as mode of burial to cremation, was interpreted as representative of a fusion of inhuming Galli with cremating Germani from across the Rhine. This fusion, leading to the formation of the Belgae, who, as Caesar records, boasted of their ‘Germanic’ origin, was thought to have taken place in the latter half of the 2nd century B.C. The date for the first Belgic invasion of Britain was put at about 75 B.C.

Metallurgical analysis of prehistoric material has hitherto been concentrated on examination of early artifacts, presumably made from newly-won metal, which may therefore contain trace elements to indicate the sources and trade-routes of contemporary metal supply. The present study was undertaken to discover whether bronze artifacts from the British Middle and Late Bronze Age, when an important component of the bronzes produced must have been re-used metal, show nonetheless perceptible variations in metal composition, which might correlate with changes of bronze types, or with the successive industries of the archaeological sequence.

Analyses were made at the Research Laboratory for Archaeology in the University of Oxford, using an optical emission spectrometer. Samples of the bronzes studied were examined for the elements copper (Cu), tin (Sn), lead (Pb), arsenic (As), antimony (Sb), nickel (Ni), bismuth (Bi), iron (Fe), zinc (Zn), silver (Ag), gold (Au) and magnesium (Mg), the only elements found in the bronzes in appreciable quantities.

Radiocarbon dates on samples excavated earlier this century by Gray and Keiller and one more recently by Pitts, confirm that the henge at Avebury is in the same general Late Neolithic horizon as the other great Wessex enclosures of Durrington Walls, Marden and Mount Pleasant. They leave open to interpretation the details of Avebury's sequence. The monument may have been constructed in a series of stages, but further investigation is badly needed.

The Fatyanovo Culture, together with its eastern twin, the Balanovo Culture, forms part of the pan-European Corded Ware Complex. Within that complex, it represents its eastern expansion to the catchment of the Upper and Middle Volga River in the European part of Russia. Its immediate roots are to be found in the southern Baltic States, Belarus, and northern Ukraine (the Baltic and Middle-Dnepr Corded Ware Cultures), from where moving people spread the culture further east along the river valleys of the forested flatlands. By doing so, they introduced animal husbandry to these regions. Fatyanovo Culture is predominately recognised through its material culture imbedded in its mortuary practices. Most aspects of every-day life remain unknown. The lack of an adequate absolute chronological framework has thus far prevented the verification of its internal cultural dynamics while overall interaction proposed also on typo-stratigraphical grounds suggests a contemporaneity with other representations of the Corded Ware Complex in Europe. Fatyanovo Culture is formed by the reverse movement to the (north-)east of the Corded Ware Complex, itself established in the aftermath of the westbound spread of Yamnaya populations from the steppes. It thus represents an important link between west and east, pastoralists and last hunter-gatherers, and the 3rd and the 2nd millennia bc. Through its descendants (including Abashevo, Sintashta, and Andronovo Cultures) it becomes a key component in the development of the wider cultural landscape of Bronze Age Eurasia.

Excavation of a late Iron Age enclosure at Tattershall Thorpe, Lincolnshire, produced substantial quantities of organic material preserved in the ditch filling. Insect, pollen and plant macrofossil remains allowed reconstruction of the environment and human activity in the area. Evidence for cultivation, grassland and human activities in the enclosure is discussed.

The Long Mortuary Enclosure on Normanton Down was excavated by the writer on behalf of the Ministry of Works throughout October, 1959. Originally a rectangular-ditched enclosure with internal banks, the banks had been completely ploughed out and the surface indications were so slight as to be visible only at certain times.

The National Grid reference is SU 115411. The Enclosure is situated on the Upper Chalk of the Salisbury Plain on a gradual southern slope, at an average height of 320 feet above sea level.

A new framework for the consideration of Neolithic axes is proposed, consisting of six rock classes defined by rock composition and working properties. The use of rock from these classes varied systematically in Britain, and reflected local geology. Flint exploitation, whose significance in the production of axes has been grossly underestimated, is considered in especial detail (with a full survey of flint mines and quarries). A major study of axe morphology is reported on. The paper includes gazetteers of caches of stone axes (many previously unpublished) and of axes found in burials.

If our Society has for the current year, chosen a President representing Irish Archaeology, I hope it will not be misunderstood if I interpret it as a compliment to recent progress of work and research in Irish Archaeology rather than as a personal tribute.

This is not rhetoric. Most Curators of large Museums are constantly facing the danger of becoming nothing else but glorified stamp-collectors; and, whilst they gradually acquire an ever-increasing first-hand knowledge of the actual material, it is the very material itself, with its continuous additions, which absorbs all too frequently their best energies.

Hence, with notable exceptions, the Museum career does not make for fertility in literary output; and it is principally occasions like the present one which almost compel a museum Curator to open, as it were, his drawers of new material and to bring some of their contents to the knowledge of fellow-workers in his own and in allied fields of learning.

The Iping Mesolithic site, found by Mr O. Knowles of Iping, lies on undulating Lower Greensand near the edge of a marsh which extends down to a pond and permanent spring (Sheet 181 O.S. 1″. 8485–2221). The site was totally excavated in 1960–61, by the West Sussex Excavation Group, following its accidental discovery. It consisted of a roughly circular area, about 25 feet across, of stained sand (Layer C) stratified between white sands (Layers B and D), all underlying the topmost deposit of heather on peat (Layer A). The white sand occurs as wind-blown material intermittently over the Lower Greensand of west Sussex, south Surrey and Hampshire. The darker stained layer was less than 6 inches thick and contained an abundant flint industry of cores, waste flakes and finished tools. The industry is of Maglemosian aspect and is important for its association with a well-preserved pollen which has yielded information about the contemporary environment.

The ‘art’ of the early Upper Palaeolithic refers to the images and symbols of the hunters of horse, bison and mammoth during the last European Ice Age that began more than 32,000 years ago. It is therefore interesting that it is not the image of the animal that develops in complexity and variability across Ice Age Europe for the next 20,000 or so years, but the image of the female. The image and the concept of the Ice Age female has perhaps been the subject of more intense emotional debate in the last century than the image of the animal (Ucko 1962; 1969; Clottes and Cerou 1970; LeroiGourhan 1965; Ucko and Rosenfeld 1972; Stoliar 1977–78). The debate continues, both with new finds and new ideas (Rosenfeld 1977; Delporte 1979; Rice 1981; Gamble 1982; Cerda 1983; Guthrie 1984; Praslov 1985; Sonneville-Bordes 1986; Lorblanchet and Welte 1987; Gvozdover 1989; Duhard 1989).

In their report of Durrington Walls, Wainwright and Longworth (1971) comment ‘It is noteworthy that not one certain grain impression has been recorded on any Grooved Ware sherds, nor is there any other evidence for the cultivation of cereals’. They conclude that the economy of Grooved Ware cultures is based on pastoralism and strandlooping rather than agriculture, and this conclusion has been generally accepted. Two points may be raised about this conclusion. First, the absence of grain impressions need not imply the absence of cereal cultivation. Hubbard (1975) has convincingly argued that the occurrence of pottery impressions does not provide the representative picture of crop economy suggested by Jessen and Helbaek (1944, 28). Such variables as the nature of the refuse deposited in the potter's working area and the degree of cleanliness required by the potter in his work will strongly influence the occurrence of impressions. For example, Hubbard has suggested that the sharp decrease in the frequency of impressions of emmer wheat in the Bronze Age may reflect its careful storage for human consumption, in contrast to barley which, as animal feed, would be more likely to get scattered around the site and incorporated into pottery.

The second point concerns the apparent absence of carbonised grain. This may be an illusory consequence of inadequate methods of retrieval in the field. Over the last decade, the use of water flotation has demonstrated that carbonised grain and seeds are many times more common than had previously been thought (Jones 1978).