In March 1995, Japanese terrorists released nerve gas on the Tokyo subway, causing eleven deaths and more than 5,000 injuries. Although terrorists have sought to acquire chemical/biological (C/B) agents in the past, and a few have employed them on a small scale, the Tokyo attack was the first large-scale terrorist use of a lethal chemical agent against unarmed civilians, weakening a long-standing psychological taboo. This tragic incident has therefore drawn worldwide attention to the emerging threat of chemical/biological terrorism. Despite significant technical hurdles associated with the production and delivery of C/B agents, such weapons are within the reach of terrorist groups that possess the necessary scientific know-how and financial resources. This article proposes a C/B counterterrorism strategy based on preemption and civil defense, and recommends several short-term and longer-term policy options for mitigating this emerging threat.

Political leaders of all persuasions are known to make public statements of affiliative allegiance with more form than substance, and to disavow political motivations obvious to the public. Such “ritual deceptions” are better understood in the same light as social etiquette—as partly deceptive behaviors that help to bond individuals with conflicting interests. Those who are more open and honest are often punished, more for breaking unspoken rules and taboos than for the actual content revealed. The functions of ritual deception are explicated by sociobiological theory, and the process, by understanding hypnotic transactions. Political deceptions require the active collaboration of subjects, achieved through the same skills used by experienced hypnotists. Deceptive transactions are more likely to occur in internally traumatized societies, and occur along a continuum from ritual deception to overt disinformation. Examples are taken from recent American history. That the content of ritual deception is so close to full awareness suggests its value as a focal point, both for studying the hidden determinants within human politics, and for policy intervention when appropriate.

Conflicting U.S. statutes exist governing adolescent sexuality. While parents are allowed to remove their children from sex education, they cannot prevent their children from procuring medical care and contraception without parental awareness or consent. I argue that specialized consent statutes—statutes which empower adolescents to seek confidential reproductive and sexual health care—are an inappropriate solution to adolescent sexuality because (1) they empower individuals whom we otherwise believe are not ready for autonomous decision-making; (2) they endorse deception, which is the wrong message to be sending to our children; and (3) they are illiberal in that they circumvent parental decision-making authority to promote a particular conception of the good life. I argue that we should rescind these statutes and return these decisions to the family.

This article presents one method for building computer models that focus on understanding and resolving complex, or “wicked,” environmental issues. The method is designed to promote cooperative decision-making and consensus among stakeholders, scientists, and managers. The article argues that there are only two ways to resolve “wicked” environmental issues: regulation by conflict or regulation by consensus. It points out that regulation by conflict leads to coercion and further conflict. In contrast, regulation by consensus leads to acceptable and durable decisions. The article concludes that cooperation and consensus are superior to conflict and coercion. The method presented is illustrated with a successful project to develop a Habitat Conservation Plan (HCP) to protect the northern spotted owl in California.

Judicial bypass is a procedure by which a minor can bypass notification of her parents to obtain an abortion if a judge finds her to be sufficiently mature. We examined the factors used by juvenile court judges in judicial bypass. Nine Ohio juvenile court judges indicated the likelihood of granting judicial bypass for 48 fictitious adolescents based on six factors relevant to each minor's maturity. Individual policies were calculated according to how each factor was weighed. The policies indicated that age, coercion of the minor's decision, and assessment of risk were more heavily weighed than were grade point average, extracurricular activities, and past work experience. Although the judges used the same factors, there were large differences in how those factors were used and in the total cases judged mature. The results indicated that the judges had little insight into their own judgment policies.