Pollen- and non-pollen-palynomorphs (NPP) analytical studies of the northwestern part of Spitsbergen were conducted between 1988 and 1991. As well as pollen from local native flora and more dispersed species, some well preserved remains of tardigrada exuvia, buccal tubes and eggs were found. This study reviewed the remains of at least six tardigrade taxa reported: Dactylobiotus ambiguous, Paramacrobiotus richtersi group, Richtersius coronifer, Macrobiotus hufelandi group, Macrobiotus peterseni and Minibiotus cf. intermedius, which are reassessed and determined more accurately. These findings provide some new insights into the past environmental conditions and changes for Spitsbergen. Based on the present research it can be concluded that tardigrade remains are frequent NPP elements of pollen analyses from lake, peat bogs and detritus sub-fossil sediment cores, at least in polar regions. It can also be stated that tardigrades can be considered indicators in further palaeontological studies helping to reconstruct past environmental conditions (for example humidity) for some regions. However, the knowledge of tardigrades in these types of analyses is still rather poor.

In recent years, radical changes such as rapid warming and ice retreat have become evident in the Arctic region, as recognised by the scientific community, as well as Arctic and non-Arctic states. Against this background, where the Arctic is accumulating economic importance and geopolitical significance for Arctic states and international stakeholders, the main regional actors have engaged in increased cooperation efforts, which is in contrast to the often invoked talk about an imminent conflict or ‘race for resources in the region’. At the same time, modernisation and expansion of military activities and capabilities have been pursued by several Arctic states. While these measures cannot be exclusively attributed to a militarisation of the Arctic and require further discussion, a misperception of such actions may result in the destabilisation of regional cooperation efforts. Furthermore, when considered in a broader context, possible threats to peaceful coexistence in the Arctic are more likely to arise from the present global situation. For example, the invasion of Ukraine has provoked a partial shift in regional cooperation and an uncontrolled spillover effect of the conflict between Russia and Western countries could disrupt regional stability. Drawing on the perspective of International Relations (IR) literature, and considering the absence of a regional institution devoted to security issues, this article highlights the importance of adopting confidence- and security-building measures among all relevant actors in order to create a forum for the discussion of ‘hard’ security topics, to prevent any destabilising effect on Arctic cooperation and security. Such measures may be promoted within existing fora, primarily the Arctic Council.

In 1931, the Hudson's Bay Company cargo steamer, SS Baychimo, was trapped in sea ice and abandoned in the Chukchi Sea off the northern coast of Alaska. Large amounts of scientific and navigational instruments and gear and personal items were left aboard, among them an ethnographic collection gathered in 1930 from Inuit groups in the Canadian Arctic by Richard Sterling Finnie. The ship was boarded several times over the next three years with items being salvaged by locals from nearby Wainwright and Barrow. In 1933, crew and passengers from MS Trader, a small trading vessel from Nome, boarded the abandoned ship and recovered several of Finnie's ethnological specimens. In 1934, Peter Palsson, crewmember of Trader, gave several ethnological specimens to members of the United States Department of the Interior-Alaska College Archaeological Expedition. That year, the Baychimo collection was accessioned to the nascent University of Alaska Museum (now, the University of Alaska Museum of the North). For over 80 years, the collection's relationships with Finnie, the Baychimo, and Palsson remained obscure, and its historical significance has just been rediscovered. This paper describes the collection and the path it took from the Baychimo to the University of Alaska Museum.

The lives of the commanders and officers associated with the British naval searches for the lost John Franklin northwest passage expedition in the 1850s are well-known through their own writings or those of later biographers. The post-Arctic careers of ordinary crew members, on the other hand, are barely known at all. Following digital searches of nineteenth and early-twentieth century British newspapers, we have compiled a list of some notices, obituaries, and reminiscences that shed light on the later years of the ‘Old Arctics’.

This paper presents a brief history of Greenland which sets the scene for unprecedented recent developments, both materially and politically. After the war, in 1953, the political status of Greenland was changed from colony to an integral part of Denmark. Greenland gained home rule [Hjemmestyre] in 1979 and greater devolution to self rule [Selvstyre] in 2009. The population is becoming centralised, increasingly resembling consumer societies worldwide. In recent years the economy has been mainly based upon fish and mining, although at present there is no active mine and the economy is declining, making the country increasingly dependent on subsidies from Denmark. The former president recently predicted that Greenland would leave Denmark within her life-time, a view based upon her vision of the development of a rich mining industry. Additionally she established a reconciliation committee to examine supposed ill-treatment by Denmark. The present situation and the unrealistic expectations of huge production of different minerals are discussed based upon accepted predictions of mineral resources, world market prices, logistic problems (lack of infrastructure and tiny population) and environmental concerns. During the past year, a more realistic and less confrontational debate on the relations between Denmark and Greenland has been evident.

Releases of diesel fuel in the Arctic tundra are a common occurrence. Response to such releases in this region typically involves excavating the contaminated soil and backfilling the excavation with clean material. Owing to the lack of clean stockpiled native soils, coarse-grained soil (aggregate) used for the construction of roads and foundation pads may be the only backfill material available. Backfilling the excavated zone with soil that has different characteristics than the surrounding native soil, combined with the removal of natural vegetation, may drastically change the maximum thaw depth reached during the thawing season, altering the underlying permafrost condition. At the extreme, such measures in areas of ground ice can result in the creation of thermokarsting. We measured maximum thaw depths in aggregate backfill at a diesel spill site located in northwestern Alaska. Using an analytic solution, we investigated the reduction in maximum thaw depth by placing a relatively thin layer (0.5 m) of fine-grained native soil over the aggregate backfill. Such a practice reduces the maximum thaw depth by as much as 1.4 m over backfilling with aggregate only.

This note studies the addendum to the Arctic Council (AC)'s 2013 Observer Manual adopted at the Senior Arctic Officials’ (SAO) meeting in Anchorage, Alaska, in October 2015. The amendment means another essential step to systematise further and improve the council's working relations with currently 32 entities that hold observer status in the forum. Compared to the initial manual that sketched out the role observers should play in the council's subsidiary bodies, the latest revisions delineate a framework for enhancing observer participation and commitment in working group, task force and expert group meetings. After reviewing the content and practical implications of the addendum in the context of larger reform efforts to adapt the council to the age of a global(ising) Arctic, the article further discusses a number of signals the Anchorage decision sends to observers. These comprise the council's willingness and ability to quick, unified and purposeful action towards institutional adaptation and procedural reform as considered necessary to address organisational deficiencies, strengthened top-down steering of the reform processes by SAOs as related to the work conducted in subsidiary bodies and the overall functioning of the council, and higher expectations on observers to contribute to the AC system and deliver on the new provisions.

Arctic ministers agreed at the latest 2015 Arctic Council ministerial meeting in Iqaluit to establish a ‘Task Force to assess future needs for a regional seas program or other mechanism, as appropriate, for increased cooperation in Arctic marine areas.’ Involving the Arctic Council in increased coordination of national marine management measures, and in drawing on experts from international organisations or treaty bodies to address related questions, is consistent with the longstanding advisory role of the Arctic Council. It also builds prudently on the council's emerging role as convener to accomplish discrete tasks critical to the health of the Arctic environment and the wellbeing of Arctic peoples. In order to strengthen Arctic marine cooperation and governance, the Arctic Council should adopt some instrument or arrangement through which it can more effectively coordinate among national management efforts affecting the Arctic marine environment and increase the effectiveness of the interplay with global governance mechanisms. The purpose of this commentary is to present World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) perspectives on two important dimensions of this proposal. First, the commentary is to review the arguments as to why a strong regional seas program for the Arctic is required. Second, it is to address a series of questions that arise in considering the design of a framework mechanism necessary to create the program. The paper will provide WWF's views with regards to the mandate and scope of a future cooperative mechanism, its relationship to the Arctic Council and membership, and its legal form.

The pair of paperweights illustrated on the front cover of this issue of Polar Record and reproduced as Fig. 1 were made in 1889 at the Burslem pottery of James Macintyre & Co. (best known for employing William Moorcroft a few years later) using maps engraved by the Edinburgh firm of J.G. Bartholomew (JGB). Macintyre produced other paperweights with Bartholomew maps of Central Africa, India, British South Africa and the rarest, Australasia, to a pottery design 9.9cm in diameter, weight 333gm, registered as No.141265. The correspondence shows that the hemispheres came first, and were intended to feature the British Empire worldwide, although that political appellation does not appear.

This paper attempts to describe Consultative Parties’ (CPs) patterns of participation at the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meetings (ATCM) during the 1998–2011 period. The results of this work show that a subset of the original signatories of the Antarctic Treaty exert the greatest political influence on ATCMs, and can therefore be seen as the main ‘propellers’ of the ATCM system. Although the performance of some of the non-original signatories is becoming increasingly consistent, the system still offers the appearance of being rather asymmetric and endogamic. In addition, a number of factors that might explain the patterns of participation observed are presented and discussed, as a contribution that may allow for achieving a more comprehensive picture of how the work of the ATCMs unfolds through time. The article concludes by presenting likely directions towards which future research on behavioural aspects of Antarctic policy making can be orientated.

It had long been thought that Mys Flora [Cape Flora], with all its historical associations, was located on Ostrov Nortbruk [Northbrook Island] named by Frederick Jackson after the Earl of Northbrook, President of the Royal Geographical Society, 1890–1893. Fairly recently, however it has been established that it lies on a much smaller island off the western end of Ostrov Northbruka, and separated from it by a narrow strait (Fig. 1).

The Arctic and the Antarctic appear to be polar opposites with regard to many matters, including the systems of governance that have evolved in the two regions. Antarctica is demilitarised, closed to economic development, open to a wide range of scientific activities, and subject to strict environmental regulations under the terms of the legally binding Antarctic Treaty of 1959 along with several supplementary measures that together form the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS). The Arctic, by contrast, is a theatre of military operations, a site of largescale industrial activities, a homeland for sizable groups of indigenous peoples, and a focus of growing concern regarding the environmental impacts of human activities. The Arctic Council, the principal international body concerned with governance at the regional level, operates under the terms of a ministerial declaration that is not legally binding; it lacks the authority to make formal decisions about matters of current interest. Digging a little deeper, however, one turns up some illuminating similarities between the governance systems operating in the antipodes. In this article, I pursue this line of thinking, setting forth a range of observations relating to (i) the history of governance in the antipodes, (ii) institutional innovations occurring in these regions, (iii) issues of membership, (iv) jurisdictional concerns, (v) the role of science, (vi) relations with the UN system, (vii) institutional interplay, and (viii) the adaptiveness of governance systems in the face of changing circumstances. The governance systems for the polar regions are not likely to converge anytime soon. Nevertheless, this analysis should be of interest not only to those concerned with the fate of Antarctica and the Arctic but also to those seeking to find effective means of addressing needs for governance in other settings calling for governance without government.

Readers of Polar Record with an extremely long memory or who possess a complete run of the journal, might refer to a paper published as long ago as 1932 on the topic of von Gronau's flight from Germany and over Greenland to the USA in the preceding year.

Since the Admiralty's instructions to Captain Sir John Franklin for his attempt at a transit of the northwest passage in HMS Erebus and Terror in 1845 specified that he should proceed to Cape Walker at the northeastern tip of Russell Island, and head southwest from there to the waterways already explored along the mainland coast of North America, as far as ice conditions and any intervening land permitted, it was natural that the first search expedition to come within striking distance of Cape Walker, should make this one of the starting points of its detailed search. This was the squadron of Captain Horatio Austin that wintered off the northeast coast of Griffith Island in 1850–1851. Following his orders, in the spring of 1851 Captain Erasmus Ommanney of HMS Assistance set off with an impressive cavalcade of seven man-hauled sledges, most of them support sledges. From Cape Walker Lt. William Browne searched the east coast of Prince of Wales Island, that is the western shores of Peel Sound while Ommanney himself and Lt. Sherard Osborn searched the west coast of Prince of Wales Island, that is the east shore of McClintock Channel. No traces of Franklin's expedition were found. Their conclusions were that both McClintock Channel and Peel Sound were permanently blocked with ice, and that Franklin's ships could not have travelled south by either route. While the conclusion as regards McClintock Channel was absolutely correct, that with regard to Peel Sound was incorrect. This must have been the route whereby Erebus and Terror had reached the vicinity of King William Island, and the conclusion that Peel Sound never cleared of ice was very unfortunate in that the next search expedition dispatched by the Admiralty, that of Captain Sir Edward Belcher in 1852–1854 made no attempt to penetrate south, when it is possible that Peel Sound was clear of ice.

Managing polar research is a tremendous challenge. It covers work at sea on rough and intimidating oceans, and on land over crevassed terrain or rotten sea ice with the prospect of death or frostbite. These environments are extremely hostile and difficult to work in. Results are costly to obtain, and yet the work is of vital importance, as the polar regions are the world's freezers, critical components of the climate system, and repositories of amazing biodiversity. These regions are grossly undersampled, and relatively poorly monitored. National efforts are best carried out in an international framework, in which cooperation is essential for major breakthroughs, and the exchange and sharing of data and information and facilities is essential for ongoing monitoring of change. Under the circumstances the managers of polar research institutes must proceed with well-developed strategies. Given the growing interest of different countries in the polar regions, it would seem useful to bring together advice won through hard effort over the years in how best to develop strategies for polar scientific institute management. This discussion paper offers advice on how such strategies may best be developed.

The author has compiled this based on many years of management experience in both the ocean and polar sciences with the following institutions: the UK Natural Environment Research Council's Institute of Oceanographic Sciences Deacon Laboratory, the UK's National Oceanography Centre, UNESCO's Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission, and the International Council for Science's Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research

During the so-called ‘heroic age’ of Antarctic exploration (c.1897–1922), various parties of men invented songs to aid the act of sledging and to provide a mental diversion from the monotony of the task and the physical demands it made on the human body. Songs composed in this uniquely polar musical genre typically included rhyming lyrics that were highly motivational and expressed a united identity. The lyrics were usually set to the melodies of popular songs of the day. When voiced in unison by men out ‘on the march,’ sledging songs could help to promote team synchronisation and cohesion, and give the act of sledging (as well as the expeditions as a whole) a stronger sense of purpose and meaning. The singing of such songs, therefore, contributed in a very practical way to the overall success of many Antarctic expeditions of the ‘heroic age’. This article examines three sledging songs dating from this period of Antarctic exploration and investigates the historical context in which they were created and performed. It also considers what these songs reveal about the experiences of the men who participated in the sledging journeys and their earliest perceptions of the Antarctic environment.

Sir Clements Markham, of honourable memory, died in London, one hundred years ago on 29 January 2016. Not long before, towards the end of a very full life, he had been walking his godson, little Peter Scott, in the garden.

Environmental management had its early stages in the early years of the 20th century. This note contrasts the different regimes that emerged with regard to the management of seals and the seal hunt: the well-researched Bering Sea regime and the little known regimes between Finland and the Soviet Union. While the former shaped and already embedded principles of modern environmental law and has the seal population as its primary focus, the latter agreements did not make reference to the environmental dimension of the seal hunt, but must be read against the backdrop of the difficult border situations between the two countries.