“There is a wooded place in the midst of a vast wilderness and at the center of the peoples to whom we are preaching. There we have placed a group of monks living under the rule of St. Benedict, who are building a monastery.” So writes St. Boniface, in the year 751, to Pope Zacharias. Several years earlier Boniface had sent his favorite pupil, Sturm, into the forest of Bochonia to find a suitable location for a monastery. The site they finally agreed upon was a place called Eichloh, on the banks of the river Fulda. Here the monastery was dedicated in 744. So pleased was Boniface with this haven in the wilderness that he, born an Anglo-Saxon from Wessex, adds in his letter to Pope Zacharias: “Here I am proposing, with your kind permission, to rest my age-worn body for a little time and after my death to be buried here.”

Dans la Xe édition de la Chrestomathie de l'ancien français de Bartsch-Wiese on lit le début du plus ancien texte a. fr. traitant la matière d'Alexandre, dans la forme suivante:

Dit Salomon al primier pas,
quant de son libre mot lo clas,
'est vanitatum vanitas
et universa vanitas.'
poyst lou me fay m'enfirmitas,
toylle s'en otiösitas,
solaz nos faz' antiquitas,
que tot non sie vanitas.

Cette façon de ponctuer, qui ne se trouve pas dans les autres éditions (qui, il est vrai, n'introduisent pas de ponctuations: P. Meyer, Stengel etc.), semble intimer que le poète, après avoir cité les deux lignes extraites de l'Ecclésiaste, veut nous apprendre que, étant infirme, il a trouvé moyen (il lui ‘est donné lieu’: l'explication de Foerster, ZRPh, vi, 423) d'occuper ses loisirs (forces) par l'étude de l'antiquité—étude qui nous délivre de la vanité du monde [et ainsi il étudiera l'histoire du héros ancien Alexandre]. Le poète (Foerster dit expressément: “meine [des Verfassers] Krankheit”) aurait alors mis en scène sa propre personne en nous informant de l'état de sa santé physique (infirme comme celle du vieux roi biblique)—et peut-être morale (serait-il sage comme Salomon?). Le cas rappellerait trop la fameuse explication, désormais datée, du dernier vers de la Chanson de Roland par feu Holbrook: [Ci falt la geste] que Turoldus declinet ‘car la vie de T. décline’ = il est vieux et ne peut plus continuer (après avoir composé 4000 vers!). Les anciens trouvères n'étaient pas à ce point autobiographical-minded—ils effaçaient leur personnalité devant les grands thèmes qu'ils chantaient. C'est le biographical approach des critiques modernes qui soupçonne des personnalités là où il n'y a qu'objectivité.

The disputes centering about the oratorical value of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century punctuation in England have hinged mostly upon a study of printed tests current in Elizabethan times or shortly after. Professor Charles C. Fries, in a monograph surveying the whole of the discussion about Shakespeare's punctuation, notes that “some significance attaches to the fact ”that all of the five Elizabethan and Jacobean grammarians whose theories he adduces to help settle the dispute “refer to the use of these terms, comma, colon, and period, in classical rhetorical theory. ” And yet, in considering the question of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century punctuation, no one has investigated the systems of pointing which were associated with classical rhetorical theory and which may have been carried with that theory through the Middle Ages into Elizabethan and Jacobean England. Until an investigation of this matter is made, we are likely to be guilty once more of the pernicious practice of reading history backwards, understanding phenomena in terms of what succeeded them instead of what preceded, and explaining in terms already at hand for us phenomena which are not reducible to these terms.

The Pastorella cantos of The Faerie Queene have been referred by scholars to various possible sources and analogues, including Ariosto, Tasso, Dorastus and Fawnia, Daphnis and Chloe, the Arcadia, the Greek romances, and the Diana. To these titles I now must add The Mirrour of Knighthood, parts 4 and 5 and sections of part 2.

From the Elizabethan prosodists we shall obtain no more than a few scattered hints concerning Donne's versification. Prosodists are notoriously conservative, and the Elizabethans are no exception. Putten-ham, in spite of his evident pleasure in the sound of verse, still places his confidence in the final arbitration of the eye; and it is thus that he comments on the diagram of a stanza-form: “most times your occular proportion doeth declare the nature of the audible; for if it please the eare well, the same represented by delineation to the view pleaseth the eye well, and e converso.” This ocular prosody leads him to say that “it is somewhat more tolerable to help the rime by false orthographie then to leave an unplesant dissonance to the eare by keeping trewe orthographie and loosing the rime, as for example it is better to rime Dore with Restore then in his truer orthographie, which is Doore.” Even with the rise of lyric and of dramatic blank verse this attitude does not disappear. Campion, for instance, makes the sensible remark that normal accent “is diligently to be observ'd, for chiefely by the accent in any language the true value of the sillables is to be measured.” And he knows that “we must esteeme our sillables as we speake, not as we write; for the sound of them in a verse is to be valued, and not their letters.” Yet he inconsistently admits length by position, as in Trumpington.

In studies of Elizabethan pronunciation the method used has been consideration of such things as poetic rhythm, the spellings of people who could be expected to spell more or less phonetically, and rime. Many of the results are, naturally, doubtful, and there are many disagreements and questions left open. So far, except for one brief reference to Campian by Viètor, no one appears to have considered the possibilities offered by the examination of contemporary song books, especially those of the lutenists. In this paper I have studied some of the debated points in the light of the evidence from the music.

On a voulu voir dans le “cartésianisme dynamique ”de la fin du XVIIè siècle un mélange de méthode cartésienne et d'empirisme positiviste. Cette idée, que nous avons récemment critiquée, méconnaît l'opposition radicale qui sépare le rationalisme cartésien de la pensée empiriste. Il est intéressant, à ce propos, de remarquer que Descartes, lui, ne s'y est pas trompé; et son attitude envers Gassendi, ainsi d'ailleurs qu'envers Hobbes, nous le montre bien. Nous nous proposons dans cette étude d'examiner, d'un point de vue psychologique, les relations de Descartes avec Gassendi, et, sous l'opposition des doctrines, celle des tempéraments. Car il y a une histoire bien humaine derrière le célèbre dialogue: “O Esprit!—O Chair!”

In the study of the origins and development of French eighteenth century thought, the importance of Isaac de la Peyrère has been strangely overlooked. I say “strangely ”advisedly since not only was La Peyrère a person of some prominence in his day, but through his works, was one of the first to disseminate certain critical arguments which were to prove popular with deists in both France and England, and which find their highest degree of success in Voltaire's Essai sur les mœurs, La Bible enfin expliquée, and the Dictionnaire philosophique. Accordingly it is the purpose of this article to investigate La Peyrère's place among his contemporaries, the subsequent fortune of his ideas, and to attempt to evaluate his importance in the formation and development of critical deism in both France and England.

In one of those bursts of candor, for which he was famous, Merck once told the German poet: “Was du lebst, ist beßer, als was du schreibst. ”Late in life Goethe was to confirm this half-truth when he remarked to the faithful Eckermann: “Ich habe in meiner Poesie nie affektiert. Was ich nicht erlebte und was mir nicht auf die Nägel brannte und zu schaffen machte, habe ich auch nicht gedichtet und ausgesprochen. Liebesgedichte habe ich nur gemacht, wenn ich liebte. ”The very naturalism—in the Goethean sense—which, during the Strassburg period, he and his youthful friends proclaimed, partly out of the fervor of their own revolutionary souls and partly out of enthusiasm for Rousseau's Pygmalion (Dickt, u. Wahr., iii, 51) is anchored in this conviction:

Freundschaft, Liebe, Brüderschaft,
Trägt die sich nicht von selber vor?

With the exception of Rousseau, Diderot, and of course Voltaire, what appeal had French literature (bejahrt und vornehm) for them to whom life was a thing to be experienced and not remembered?

The intention, in the following pages, is to identify the authors of all literary articles appearing in the Quarterly Review during the period (1826–53) in which John Gibson Lockhart was editor. The project rests mainly on the authority of the Contributors' Book kept by the house of John Murray, publishers of the Review, at 50 Albemarle Street, London. The full name of each contributor is given when it could be secured from the Dictionary of National Biography or from Boase's Modern English Biography. In several instances this separate information was unobtainable, and the form employed is that recorded in the Contributors' Book itself—which rarely does more than give the initials of first names. When, as in a few cases, the identity of the author of an article is unknown or doubtful, the fact is so stated.

When William Morris's relation to Keats has been noticed at all, it has usually been treated in an off-hand way. Sidney Colvin and J. W. Mackail recognized it without going into particulars. Others have detected an occasional resemblance in detail without noting that this represented a trend.

Eine Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung in Amerika ist noch nicht geschrieben. Auf Grund der spärlichen Monographien in diesem Gebiet lassen sich vorläufig nur wenige allgemeine Gesichtspunkte erschließen: daß die deutsche Dichtung in Amerika während des 18. Jahrhunderts vornehmlich um religiöse Themen kreiste, daß das erste Drittel des 19. Jahrhunderts durch eine völlige poetische Windstille charakterisiert ist, daß in den dreissiger und vierziger Jahren mit dem Beginn der liberalen Emigration die deutsche Literaturproduktion des Landes neuen Auftrieb erhält und einen neuen Themenkreis anschneidet: die politische Dichtung. Die Achtundvierzigerwoge enthält einen besonders hohen Prozentsatz intellektueller Immigranten, viele, die mit der Literatur ihres Landes wohl vertraut sind, und einige, die mit mehr oder weniger Erfolg selbst die Feder in die Hand zu nehmen wagten.

My purpose in this study of George Moore's revisions is (1) to venture a few generalizations with respect to the dates, the number, and extent of the revisions and his motives in rewriting and (2) to compare closely the first and final texts of The Lake, The Wild Goose, and Esther Waters.

In einer Rede auf Gerhart Hauptmann, in deren Mittelpunkt, wieder einmal, das Thomas Mann so tief anrührende Problem der Krankheit steht, kommt der Dichter auf das Thema der Wende zu sprechen, jenen Augenblick der Umkehr, wo die geistige Neigung zur Krankheit sich als Beginn höherer Gesundheit erweist. Thomas Mann führt das aus an drei Erkenntnissen seines Helden aus dem “Zauberberg. ”An einem bestimmten Punkte des Romans, sagt Thomas Mann, äußere der junge Mann die Einsicht: “Und wenn man sich für das Leben interessiert, so interessiert man sich namentlich für den Tod. Tut man das nicht? “ Aber eine Zeit vergeht, fährt Thomas Mann fort, und zu dem selben Gedankenpunkt zurückgekehrt, wendet der Lernende das Aperçu; er sagt: “Denn alles Interesse für Tod und Krankheit ist nichts als eine Art von Ausdruck für das am Leben. ”Und hier nun entdeckt der junge Mann den Weg, von dem im dritten Erkenntnissatz die Rede ist, jenem vielzitierten Satze, der in der Tat einer der Kernsätze des Thomas Mannschen Lebensgefühls ist: “Zum Leben gibt es zwei Wege, der eine ist der gewöhnliche, direkte und brave. Der andere ist schlimm, er führt über den Tod, und das ist der geniale Weg!”