Laryngeal realism (Honeybone 2005) holds that thoroughly voiced stops in a language like Dutch will be represented phonologically with the feature [voice], leaving the voiceless unaspirated stops laryngeally neutral, whereas the typically aspirated stops of a language like German are marked with the feature [spread glottis], rendering the passively voiced stops in this language neutral. These two languages also merge laryngeal oppositions in final environments, Dutch undergoing final devoicing but German final fortition. We apply the findings of Evolutionary Phonology (Blevins 2004, 2006b) to these distinctions in final laryngeal neutralisation, underscoring that the evolutionary approach to phonological alternation allows for non-assimilatory feature addition as well as loss. We examine in particular the known history of final fortition in German and find that the reference standard form of the language has evolved an alignment condition to the effect that a fortified syllable edge must match up with the morpheme edge.

Within the expanding framework of non-linear morphology, no wordformation process has sparked more interest than reduplication. Once relegated to a secondary status with a few examples, reduplication has now arrived centre stage as a testing ground for alternative theories of multitiered morphology and phonology. The innovative work of McCarthy (1981) and Marantz (1982) on this subject has laid the groundwork for subsequent formal treatments of reduplication, including Levin (1983), Broselow & McCarthy (1984), Clements (1985), Odden & Odden (1985), Schlindwein (1986, 1988), McCarthy & Prince (forthcoming), Kiparsky (1986), Mester (1986) and Steriade (1988), among others. These varying accounts of reduplication have been tested against a large and growing body of data from most parts of the world. Surprising to us, however, since every Bantu language we are familiar with has one or more reduplicative processes, relatively little attention has been focused on this rather large linguistic group of several hundred languages coverin a major part of the African continent.

Many languages have restrictions on word-final segments, such as a requirementthat any word-final obstruent be voiceless. There is a phonetic basis for suchrestrictions at the ends of utterances, but not the ends of words. Historicallinguists have long noted this mismatch, and have attributed it to an analogicalgeneralisation of such restrictions from utterance-final to word-final position.To test whether language learners actually generalise in this way, twoartificial language learning experiments were conducted. Participants heardnonsense utterances in which there was a restriction on utterance-finalobstruents, but in which no information was available about word-finalutterance-medial obstruents. They were then tested on utterances that includedobstruents in both positions. They learned the pattern and generalised it toword-final utterance-medial position, confirming that learners are biased towardword-based distributional patterns.

The Iambic-Trochaic Law (ITL) asserts that listeners associate greater acoustic intensity with group beginnings and greater duration with group endings. Some researchers have assumed a natural connection between these perceptual tendencies and universal principles underlying linguistic categories of rhythm. The experimental literature on ITL effects is limited in three ways. Few studies of listeners' perceptions of alternating sound sequences have used speech-like stimuli, cross-linguistic testing has been inadequate and existing studies have manipulated intensity and duration singly, whereas these features vary together in natural speech. This paper reports the results of three experiments conducted with native Zapotec speakers and one with native English speakers. We tested listeners' grouping biases using streams of alternating syllables in which intensity and duration were varied separately, and sequences in which they were covaried. The findings suggest that care should be taken in assuming a natural connection between the ITL and universal principles of prosodic organisation.

Current models of laryngeal licensing allow as many laryngeal contrasts within a syllable as there are segments, at least in principle. We show here that natural languages are much more economical in their use of laryngeal contrasts than segmental models would lead us to expect. Specifically, we show that voicing, aspiration and glottalisation occur at most once per onset, nucleus or coda in a given language, and that the order in which they are produced within onset, nucleus and coda is never contrastive. To account for these restrictions, we propose that laryngeal features are properties not of segments, but of the onsets, nuclei and codas that dominate them.

Phonological grammars characterise distinctions between relatively well-formed (unmarked) and relatively ill-formed (marked) phonological structures. We review evidence that markedness influences speech-error probabilities. Specifically, although errors result in unmarked as well as marked structures, there is a markedness asymmetry: errors are more likely to produce unmarked outcomes. We show that stochastic disruption to the computational mechanisms realising a Harmonic Grammar (HG) can account for the broad empirical patterns of speech errors. We demonstrate that our proposal can account for the general markedness asymmetry. We also develop methods for linking particular HG proposals to speech-error distributions, and illustrate these methods using a simple HG and a set of initial consonant errors in English.

This paper provides new evidence and analysis of gradual and U-shaped phonological learning. Using a rich longitudinal corpus from Trevor (Compton & Streeter 1977, Pater 1997b) we demonstrate that some of Trevor's consonant harmony follows a statistically significant U-shaped trajectory, in contrast to the more typical S-shaped progression of his complex onsets. We then analyse these two developmental paths using an OT model of phonological acquisition (Hayes 2004, Prince & Tesar 2004, Tessier 2007, 2009), in which the learner's variation within and across stages is the effect of stored old productions rather than a variable grammar. The decrease in Trevor's faithfulness to place of articulation due to consonant harmony is attributed to the induction of a new constraint during the course of learning. Our analysis is paired with a computational implementation, showing how competition between old forms and the current grammar allows the model to derive both S-shaped and U-shaped patterns.

Romance languages show hiatus and diphthongal realisations of inherited iV sequences of rising sonority (e.g. ia). We study five Romance varieties with different degrees of contrast between the two realisation types: Romanian, with a diphthong–hiatus contrast, Spanish, with a weaker contrast, French, with no contrast (all diphthongs), and European and Brazilian Portuguese, with no contrast (all hiatus). We show that the different degrees of synchronic contrast are related to three independent factors: (i) a general articulatory tendency for [iV] hiatus to resolve to diphthongs, due to the relative stability of diphthongal articulations; (ii) a structural ‘attractor’ effect of pre-existing [jV] diphthongs in a language, from different historical sources; and (iii) prosodic lengthening effects which inhibit the shift from hiatus to diphthong, supported by phonetic studies of durational patterns across the five languages.

Athabaskan languages display a remarkable cross-language similarity, yet at the same time the languages of this family differ from each other in restricted ways. This unity and variety provide a useful laboratory for phonological and morphological research. In this paper, we suggest that a certain case of unity which has been analysed as phonologically and morphologically motivated requires a purely morphological analysis.

The case in question is the well-known verbal disyllabic minimality requirement, which has been variously analysed as satisfaction of a disyllabic verb template (Slave; Rice 1990), satisfaction of a monosyllabic prefix-based portmanteau ‘stem’ (Navajo; McDonough 1990, 1996) or the result of stray consonant syllabification in the Minimal Word domain in verbs (Ahtna; Causley 1994). However, when data from other languages of the family are brought into the picture, a different, family-wide analysis suggests itself.

Studies of phonological assimilation have played a central role in the development of current phonological theory. As widely discussed in the literature, assimilation is an extremely common phonological process cross-linguistically and therefore an adequate phonological theory should represent it simply and naturally. This has led to the current view of assimilation as spreading (Clements 1976; Goldsmith 1976; Hayes 1986; among others). Much less work has addressed itself to the issue of dissimilation, but recently it has been suggested that dissimilation should be analysed as delinking followed by default fill-in (Odden 1987; Poser 1987; McCarthy 1988; Yip 1988).

Recent work on Articulatory Phonology (Browman & Goldstein 1986, 1989, 1991, 1992a, b) raises a number of questions, specifically involving the phonetics–phonology ‘interface’. One advantage of using Articulatory Phonology (henceforth ArtP), with its basic units of abstract gestures based on articulatory movements, is its ability to link phenomena previously seen as phonological to those which are conventionally described as allophonic, or even lower-level phonetic effects, since ‘gestures are... useful primitives for characterising phonological patterns as well as for analysing the activity of the vocal tract articulators’ (Browman & Goldstein 1991: 313). If both phonetics and phonology could ultimately be cast entirely in gestural terms, the phonetics–phonology interface might effectively cease to exist, at least in terms of units of analysis.

While prosodic systems are typically either tonal or metrical, composite systems including both tone and metrical structure present yet another, albeit less frequent, possibility (Prince 1983, Hayes 1995). The focus of this paper is a prosodic system of the latter, more complex variety, evidenced in the Neo-štokavian dialect of Serbian or Croatian (henceforth NS; see Ivić 1958, 1985, Zec 1993). Although previously analysed as a pitch-accent system with no role allotted to the rhythmic structure (Browne & McCawley 1965, Ivić 1965, 1976, Halle 1971, Kenstowicz 1974, Lehiste & Ivić 1986, Inkelas & Zec 1988), on closer inspection NS discloses important resemblances with stress systems. Metrical structure is an independent agent in NS, as will be demonstrated here, and the entire prosodic system is characterised by a rich interplay between the tonal and metrical components.

Co-presence of tone and foot structure may in principle result in several types of interfaces between these two components. Cases documented in the literature are of two types: those in which the distribution of tone is constrained by metrical constituency, and those in which constraints operate in the opposite direction. third type of case has also been documented. In Japanese, as analysed in Poser (1984, 1990), the accentual system is tonal in nature while various templatic phenomena call for an inventory of iambic feet, yet the two systems are independent of each other and do not interact. The former type is exemplified by a number of languages extensively discussed in the literature: Creek (Haas 1977, Halle & Vergnaud 1987), Kirundi (Goldsmith 1987, Goldsmith & Sabimana 1989, Hayes 1995), Seneca (Prince 1983: 82–86), Winnebago (Susman 1943, Miner 1979, 1981, 1989, Halle & Vergnaud 1987, Hayes 1995 and the references therein) and Ancient Greek (Golston 1989, Sauzet 1989). The other type of unilateral interactions, with the rhythmic structure dependent upon the distribution of tone, is instantiated, for example, by Golin (Bunn & Bunn 1970, Hayes 1995).

In contrast, NS presents a case of bilateral interaction between tone and foot structure: tone exerts influence on the repertory of feet, and foot structure, in turn, constrains the distribution of tone. Although previously analysed as an instantiation of unilateral interaction, on a par with Golin (Inkelas & Zec 1988, Hayes 1995), new evidence to be presented here clearly disputes this position. This case is of immediate theoretical relevance for establishing the range of possible foot inventories. The resulting inventory is richer than in cases generally reported in the theoretical literature (Prince 1990, Mester 1994, Hayes 1995), and as such suggests a possible direction in which foot inventories may expand.

One of the fundamental claims of modern phonology is that generalisations about phonemes are based on a small, universal set of phonetically defined features. The theory of distinctive features is a very powerful idea, insofar as it predicts that sets of phonemes will act together in specific ways within and across languages, allowing the voiceless stops [p t k] to serve as a unified target or trigger class, but ruling out the possibility that [p r y a] will function as a unitary class. Much of the appeal of distinctive features lies in the fact that the rich array of segments and processes encountered in the world's languages can be understood in terms of a very small number of features. Numerous hypotheses have been advanced regarding what that set of features is – see Jakobson et al. (1952), Chomsky & Halle (1968), Sagey (1990) and Clements & Hume (1995), inter al. The ideal set of features must be rich enough to express phonemic contrasts which actually exist, and must otherwise be capable of capturing generalisations about sound structure. Equally important, a theory of features should be maximally impoverished – it should use the minimum resources necessary to describe languages.

This article presents a non-finality approach to weight-sensitivity, using constraints that prohibit stress on domain-final moras to account for phenomena where stress avoids light syllables. The issues addressed by the proposal include weight-sensitivity in unbounded stress systems, weight-sensitivity in generalised trochee systems, iambic lengthening, trochaic lengthening and minimal word restrictions. A non-finality approach improves the typological predictions for each of these phenomena and provides them with a general and uniform account, lending additional support for non-finality's central position in the theory.

The role which the pharynx plays in the production of speech sounds has long been the subject of debate, in particular as regards the independence of the pharynx from other speech articulators and in particular the larynx. Given that the linguistic and anatomical information about the larynx and the pharynx is quite complex, the objective of this paper is to review the literature relevant to the relationship between these two articulators and to recast some of this information in terms of current articulator-based theories of phonological features such as the ones reviewed in McCarthy (1988). 1 presents two pharyngeal features [ATR/ RTR] ‘advanced tongue root’ and ‘LL/RL’ ‘lowered larynx’separately in two subsections, with definitions, examples and arguments in favour of having two pharyngeal features rather than one. § 2 argues that pharyngeal features are independent of the primary point of articulation features.

Dinka, a major Western Nilotic language spoken in the Sudan, is to a large extent a monosyllabic language. Nevertheless, it has a complex morphology. Thus a significant part of its morphology is non-affixal, being manifested by way of morphophonological alternations in the root. Such alternations involve one or more of the following parameters: vowel quality, vowel length, voice quality, tone and final consonant. While alternations in vowel length, voice quality and tone are treated in Andersen (in press), the present article deals with vowel quality alter-nation. The dialect of Dinka treated here is Agar, more specifically the variety of Agar spoken by people from the area of Pacong, a village about 20 kilometres south-east of Rumbek in Southern Sudan. My principal informants for the present study were Isaac Maker, David Daniel Marial and Peter Gum Panther.

This paper examines the distribution of the palatal fricative [ç] and the velar fricative [x] in Modern Standard German. The data are significant with respect to the theory of Lexical Phonology (Kiparsky 1982, 1985; Halle & Mohanan 1985; Mohanan 1986) because the rule of Fricative Assimilation (FA) which spreads the feature of backness from a vowel onto an immediately following tautomorphemic [ —voice, + high] fricative is a counterexample to Kiparsky's (1985) Structure Preservation hypothesis, according to which non-distinctive features must be introduced postlexically. It is also noteworthy that the present analysis produces both [x] and [ç] from a [— voice, + high] fricative which is unspecified for backness, contrary to the general tendency among previous researchers who have taken either /ç/ or /x/ to be the basic segment.

We describe three vowel-harmony processes in Tommo So and their interaction with morphological structure. The verbal suffixes of Tommo So occur in a strict linear order, establishing a Kiparskian hierarchy of distance from the root. This distance is respected by all three harmony processes; they ‘peter out’, applying with lower frequency as distance from the root increases. The function relating application rate to distance is well fitted by families of sigmoid curves, declining in frequency from one to zero. We show that, assuming appropriate constraints, such functions are a direct consequence of Harmonic Grammar. The crucially conflicting constraints are Ident (violated just once by harmonised candidates) and a scalar version of Agree (violated one to seven times, based on closeness of the target to the root). We show that our model achieves a close fit to the data, while a variety of alternative models fail to do so.

Listeners often perceive illusory vowels when presented with consonant sequences that violate phonotactic constraints in their language. Previous research suggests that the phenomenon motivates speech-perception models that incorporate surface phonotactic information and the acoustics of the speech tokens. In this article, inspired by Bayesian models of speech perception, we claim that the listener attempts to identify target phonemic representations during perception. This predicts that the phenomenon of perceptual illusions will be modulated not only by surface phonotactics and the acoustics of the speech tokens, but also by the phonological alternations of a language. We present the results of three experiments (an AX task, an ABX task and an identification task) with native Korean listeners, and native English listeners as a control group, showing that Korean listeners perceive different sets of illusory vowels in different phonological contexts, in accordance with the phonological processes of vowel deletion and palatalisation in the language.

This paper presents a declarative analysis of the phonology of English auxiliaries. The strong and weak forms of auxiliary verbs in English have generally been treated as either related derivationally (Zwicky 1970, Wood 1979, Selkirk 1984) or as lexically suppletive items (Kaisse 1985; this view is also implicit in traditional treatments of English phonetics, e.g. Jones 1960). The derivational treatment involves destructive processes, which Declarative Phonology eschews (Bird 1995, Coleman 1995). The treatment as separate lexical entries fails to address the commonalities observable in related forms such as [hav hbv bv v] for have. This paper provides a declarative analysis of the relations between the multiple forms of English auxiliaries without derivation, and without suppletion. The analysis is based on a corpus as well as data from informants, and is formalised using a computationally tractable formalism. Many of the examples cited in the paper are taken from marsec (Roach et al. 1993), a machine-readable English corpus of material taken from BBC radio broadcasts during the 1980s. The dominant variety of English in marsec is ‘standard’, although in reality this merely means that there is a variety of accents represented which tend towards RP. The database provides natural material rather than idealised or specifically elicited material. As Rischel (1992: 381) notes: ‘Phonology has been based on very exaggerated idealisations about the power of rule machinery as the format in which to take care of variation’. However, some of the structures needed in the analysis presented in this paper do not occur in marsec, so the natural material is complemented by material based on native informants.