Inicio minha conferência com urna interrogação: haverá uma educação brasileira ? Em que sentido se pode falar numa educação brasileira ? Parece-me que são necessários uma delimitação e um esclarecimento a respeito da extensão dessas expressões. Não há uma educação brasileira no sentido de uma técnica de ensinar, de métodos pedagógicos, do objeto mesmo do ensino. Mas, ainda que conservando objetivos e processos que são universais e, pode-se dizer, intemporais, a educação é um processo da vida. Destinando-se à formação do homem, a fazê-lo adquirir um modo de comportamento para uma atuação na sociedade em que vá viver, e a resolver os problemas que esta lhe vá propor, não se pode compreender a educação destacadamente das formas da vida social e da circunstância histórica e mesológica.

To say that the Brazilian scene has been volatile—politically and economically—during the past ten years is to risk an understatement. A mere listing of the presidents of Brazil during this limited period illustrates the point. It begins with the enormously popular— then and now—Juscelino Kubitschek, who represented the industrialization of Brazil and the move away from the coast with the decision to create a new capital in Brasilia. Then, the overwhelming electoral victory of Jânio Quadros—the enigma of Brazilian politics who had been such a successful Mayor and Governor of São Paulo only to resign the presidency after six months for reasons that still remain unclear today. Next came the then Vice President João Goulart, who was visiting Red China when he heard he was to become President. Although his powers were curtailed before he was allowed to take office, he served long enough to create an impression of corruption and leftward drift and the reality of almost runaway inflation—factors which led to the revolution of March, 1964, and the administration of Marshal Castello Branco.

The centennial of the birth of Manoel de Oliveira Lima, an event of December 25, 1967, was allowed to pass virtually unnoticed by the Latin Americanists of the United States. Outside of the commemorative exercises on December 13 at The Catholic University of America where Oliveira Lima taught during the quiet last years of his life, and to which he gave his celebrated library, nothing else was done to call attention to the anniversary of Brazil's most famous expatriate, its most effective intellectual ambassador in the United States, and its great historian.

Sumner e Keller afirman, em sua obra “The Science of Society”, que “os primeiros focos de civilização ocorreram precisamente onde as condiçães do meio físico se combinaram para favorecer o aparecimento de populaçães numerosas e o contato entre elas”. Foi o caso, segundo êles, dos vales banhados pelos ríos ñas regiões mais quentes do Velho Mundo —na China, na Índia, na Assíria e no Egito.

Também Ferreira Reis aqui categòricamente declarou, ao abrir êste Seminário, que “Nos trópicos, encontraram os europeus não apenas espaços físicos possuídos primàriamente por sociedades que não se distinguiam pela manifestação de culturas materiais e espirituais. Encontraram, também povos que se realizavam com a maior grandeza, seja no social, seja no econômico, seja no espiritual. O inventário de que já dispomos acêrca dêsses povos permite a certeza de que, muitos dêles, haviam criado áreas de civilização de que se podia ufanar a espécie humana. Foi assim nas Américas, no Oriente e na própria África”.

Until quite recently, the study of Latin American politics existed in a relatively primitive stage. A crude empiricism, occupied with the straightforward description of events or formal institutions, was relieved only by occasional global generalization of an impressionistic character about the informal characteristics of politics. However, substantial advances have begun to be made in the last few years in the direction of more systematic elaboration of theory to account for the distinctive characteristics of politics in the area, and we have begun to see the confrontation with each other and with the data themselves of rival theoretical explanations. Needless to say, this mutual confrontation of rival interpretations is a healthy sign for the deepening of our understanding of Latin American politics.

For the leaders and people of every new state of Asia, Africa and the Caribbean, independence has brought about a dramatic awakening with respect to the conceptualization of their position in world affairs. The loosening of ties with the metropolis, which had been the primary aim of the struggle for independence, suddenly appears in a double perspective. On the one hand, it contains the threat of distintegration of the established social and economic order and, on the other hand, it opens prospects for new bonds and opportunities. After decades or centuries of predominantly bilateral relationships between colony and metropolis, historical links are confronted with the pressures resulting from geographic proximity .The diversification of foreign contacts is a phenomenon of the very recent past. The leaders and inhabitants of Ghana and the Ivory Coast, Nigeria and Niger, Trinidad and Venezuela, or Guyana and Brazil are only now realizing the full impact of their relationship as neighbours.

La figura egregia del patricio puertorriqueño Eugenio María de Hostos ha resultado ser en los últimos años objeto de innumerables estudios los cuales han aumentado la bibliografía de este hombre de dimensión universal.

Una fase de su vida, sin embargo, ha sido pasada por alto. A pesar de que encontramos estudios y ensayos sobre sus ideas políticas, pedagógicas, sociológicas, filosóficas, moralistas, literarias y revolucionarias, no encontramos en esta extensa bibliografía ningún intento de examinar el pensamiento militar en Hostos. Esta dimensión militar hostosiana es para mí una de las manifestaciones más activas del “hombre completo”.

Será mi propósito en este breve ensayo demostrar el impacto del pensamiento militar como influencia y como parte integral de este “inquebrantable espíritu”.

Fidel Castro has had a more profound effect upon the course of Latin American affairs than any other individual in recent times. Castro's socioeconomic revolution combined with his political opposition to the United States and his charismatic personality have all contributed to granting him an historical importance of the first magnitude within Latin America. Castroism (or jidelismo to the Latin Americans) embodied much that was longed for by the frustrated Latin American intellectuals and masses. There is no doubt that the impact of Castro has lessened notably since the 1959-1960 period but there is also no doubt that he has contributed significantly to the fundamental altering of policies in Latin America, and he remains a force that must be reckoned with.

Don Augusto Pescador es, indudablemente, una de las figuras más influyentes en el campo de la filosofía en Bolivia. Y decimos una de las figuras porque junto a su nombre hay que citar a Guillermo Francovich, Roberto Prudencio, Rubén Carrasco de la Vega, Huáscar Cajías, Mario Miranda Pacheco, Luis Carranza Siles, Manfredo Kemp Mercado, Nicolás Fernández Naranjo y otros. Empero, en el caso de don Augusto Pescador, se da un caso especial, porque siendo de nacionalidad española su mayor desarrollo, madurez, difusión e influencia los tuvo en Bolivia.

Don Augusto Pescador Sarget nació en Orihuela (Alicante), España, en 1910; después de sus estudios de enseñanza media estudió filosofía en la Universidad de Zaragoza obteniendo el título de Licenciado en Filosofía. Más antes estudió Derecho en Madrid sacando el título de Abogado, profesión que no la ejerce, dedicándose más a la docencia; así como obtuvo el título académico de filosofía en Orihuela. En España alternó la docencia con algunas representaciones oficiales al servicio de su gobierno en algunos países europeos.

The purpose of this article is to formulate some general conclusions about Latin American and African caucusing group voting behavior patterns in the United Nations General Assembly. This study will attempt to establish and correlate these voting behavior patterns in terms of: (1) issues; (2) intra-group solidarity; and (3) inter-group support.

The method of inquiry is roll call voting analysis computed on the basis of percentage of total votes cast during a regular session of the Assembly on a general category of issues. The analysis includes all roll call votes (approximately 2,300) cast on entire resolutions during plenary sessions of the General Assembly from 1946 through 1966. This excludes from consideration all votes cast: (1) in the various committees of the Assembly; (2) on procedural matters; and (3) on parts of resolutions.