Fortunate good judgment led the founders of the Journal of Inter-American Studies to place major emphasis in their new enterprise of six years ago on the most neglected aspect of studies related to the western hemisphere: the Inter-American aspect.

North Americans at that time had long been devoting scholarly attention to their neighbors to the South. But generally their study — sympathetic and understanding though it was — was of one people looking at other peoples through eyes that saw backgrounds, outlooks, and problems essentially different from their own. Thinking on the part of the North Americans was in terms of Latin American studies, Hispanic American studies, or even South American studies.

In Latin America three main currents of nationalism exist. One of these, middle class, fits well the excellent definition suggested by Professor Paul Shoup, displaying a fundamental attachment to the values in a country's national culture and history; a need for a considerable degree of independence with priority given to one's own immediate national interest; and, finally, nationalistic emphasis upon industrialization as a means of progress. The second and third currents of nationalism are fraudulent in character, that is, nationalistic feelings are manipulated by Communists to serve the purposes of Russian or Chinese Communist foreign policy, and a similar manipulation by members of the privileged elite to protect their monopoly of political and economic power sometimes may be found.

Who is to blame when the political rhythm of an organized society slips into atrophy and chaos? This enigmatic question towers in the background of recent Colombian history. A country of relative political stability since the birth of Liberalism in the 1930's, Colombia's political life was suddenly rent in 1948 by a horrendous bloodletting which threatened to raze Bogotá and plunged the nation into anarchy. The real villain, wrote Vernon Fluharty, was the system itself. Although the civil war proportions of the violence that followed the bogotazo were ended during the military government of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla (1953-57), a fierce sequence of guerrilla activities continued to plague the countryside. Much of the violence was precipitated by young men who, having deserted their primary groups after the assassination of Gaitán, carried on the war against humanity as a way of life, often in the absence of any ostensible political motive or economic gain.

The purpose of this article is to provide a brief introduction and description of the dominant power components within the Brazilian university student movement in the area of political action. This is a field in which very little has been written, either in English or Portuguese. Because of this, and also due to the constant state of flux within the movement, this study must be considered as an initial effort toward understanding a rather complex area of Brazilian affairs. Much of what is described here may be radically changed within a few years, though in which direction is not yet clear. While extreme left groups now dominate the movement, some signs of democratic awakening are beginning to appear. These are, however, weak and sporadic efforts.

Quando se fizer a história da literatura brasüeira de nosso tempo, que lugar ficará reservado a Tristão de Atayde? O de crítico literario? O de crítico de idéias e problemas macionais e universais? O de sociólogo, filósofo, psicólogo, economista? Ou o de doutrinador e homem de ação católico?

Ninguém, creio eu, estará disposto, hoje em dia, a negar-lhe o laurel e a palma que lhe cabem em qualquer dessas categorias ou esferas de saber. A sua fecunda e variada obra testemunhará sempre urna presença em todos os domínios do pensamento brasileiro, seja qual for o ângulo de apreciação. Mas, nos cinquenta anos laboriosos da atividade de escritor de Tristão de Atayde, não haverá aspectos mais salientes, relevantes ou expressivos?

Como se sabe, êle começou a sua carreira fazendo crítica literária pura e simplesmente, ou antes de corpo e alma, sem se embaraçar com o sentido da existência em termos religiosos ou filosóficos de cristianismo ou catolicismo.

El Estudio de una cultura requere una atenta observación de actitudes, costumbres, giros idiomáticos, leyendas, folklore, temas novelísticos, caricaturas y tipos de chistes, modos de encarar el amor, la agresión y en general todo hecho que mantenga cierta constancia a través de las generaciones. Todo este material será de gran valor para determinar lo que se entiende como “mentalidad” (personalidad básica) de la cultura.

Partiendo del lenguaje que se habla en la Argentina podremos ver como ciertos verbos y expresiones adquieren primacia en el proceso comunicativo y como también parecerían indicar sentidos aparentemente en discordancia con la aceptación tradicional.

With an area of 83,000 square miles and a population of 600,000, British Guiana is one of the smallest countries on the South American continent. Its political importance is out of all proportion to its size or economic performance for the single reason that the People's Progressive Party (PPP), which won a clear majority in the Legislative Assembly elections of 1961, is completely dominated by a group of Communists.

British Guiana is still a colony under a governor who is a British civil servant nominated by the Colonial Office in London and who controls law and order, defense, and external affairs—the effective levers of command. The local government can thus be said to be in office but not in power, its range of action being extremely limited.