Como Casi Todo grande y verdadero poeta, Rubén Darío es multiforme y ecléctico. Frecuentemente nos sorprende con su busca y con su hallazgo de numerosos caminos expresivos y estéticos.

Pronto, y con sutil sagacidad, lo adivinó así Juan Valera cuando, con sólo Azul a la vista, escribió la primera de sus dos Cartas publicadas en El Impartial de Madrid en octubre de 1888:

Con más ancha y abarcadura perspectiva ya, Arturo Marasso pudo afirmar después:

These comments illustrate the widespread feelings of public indifference and hostility toward higher education in Central America today. They also underscore the need for better information about higher education and the need to reduce the gap between the universities and the societies in which they operate.

The universities of Central America have long been tottery towers built on inadequate structures of national public education. Their marginal utility as centers of learning and intellectual leadership is evidenced in many ways: in low levels of financial support; rundown physical facilities; weak administrations and consequent weaknesses in the standards of teaching, research and student academic performance.

This study of financial institutions and processes highlights changes in the policies and practices of investors, governments and international bodies that would accelerate industrial development of Central America. There are three principal conclusions:

1. Commercial banks and related institutions need more flexibility in their operations under the law and administrative procedures. Among these conditions would be adaptations of credit instruments and interest rates to the requirements of a changing economic structure and market conditions. These would increase the number and range of alternatives open to domestic savers and investors and enable financial institutions to undertake operations of longer terms and greater risks.

Traditional or developing areas of the world are moving toward urban and industrial societies characterized by rationalistic behavior. To an appreciable extent this transition is identified as the rise of urban middle sectors or classes, at least in the case of Latin America. One phase of the transition from a stage of economic underdevelopment to an industrial system has been the advent of public housing. Latin America in the last twenty years has witnessed extensive migration of families from the rural hinterland—in addition to the ever expanding families of the city itself— to the squatter shacks and slums, with eventual transfer of limited numbers to public housing. This article proposes to report on some differences in behavior and values of residents of private dwellings as opposed to those residents of public housing in two Central American capitals.

Nicaragua has been, and will undoubtedly continue to be, primarily an agricultural country. Of the country's exports, agricultural and forestry products have consistently represented over 88% of the total value. One notable characteristic of Nicaraguan agriculture is its diversification, at least in respect to its other Central American neighbors. The expanded cotton and cottonseed exports since 1951, and the normally consistent exports of coffee are by far the most important agricultural products in terms of foreign exchange. In addition, four other commodities (sesame, cattle and meat, timber, and sugar) each yielded over a million dollars in foreign exchange during the years 1957 and 1958.

El hombre moderno, con su sentido de progreso infinito, acuñó el principio del nacionalismo. Se trataba de un nacionalismo expansivo que debía forjar una sociedad fuerte que se convirtiera en la comprobación de la capacidad de todos y cada uno de sus miembros. Cuando el liberalismo trae a Latinoamérica todos los ideales de la Modernidad y el deseo de incorporarse a ella y planea el progreso de los distintos países, se dice que en este momento empieza a despertar en el continente la conciencia nacionalista. Durante todo el siglo XIX, sin embargo, este nacionalismo no pasó de ser una mera fórmula o ideal. El liberalismo latinoamericano que se expresa a través de diferentes partidos, al igual que su opositor, el conservadurismo, creó una seudoburguesía que encontró su mejor forma de desarrollo aliándose a los intereses occidentales, que en su proceso de expansión buscaban nuevos mercados.

In spite of the growing economic interdependence among contemporary nations, the rapid diffusion of knowledge among contemporary peoples about each other, and the existence of the United Nations, our times are characterized far more by flourishing of nationalism than by emerging internationalism. In fact, we have been experiencing the decline of universalistic thinking rather than its emergence. Great international organizations like the United Nations or the Common Market operate pragmatically rather than ideologically. We not only note with surprise the striking absence of new universalistic ideologies in those new international organizations, but we also observe rapid decline of the previously established universalistic ideologies like Catholicism and Marxism. Marxism began as, and remained for some time, truly international ideology.

Peruvians who are planning more extensive development of their Northern coast area find the lack of accurate data regarding land surveys, land tenure, and land values a serious obstacle. An effective register of the real property of the area based on a sound cadastral system is urgently needed.

A typically faulty element in the agrarian structure of economically underdeveloped countries is the so-called land division or cadastral system regnant. Generally, the main objectives of these systems would be to record and measure the tenure characteristics of (agricultural) land. Their contents would vary according to the goals of the system and the resources available for establishing and maintaining it. The essential components are a registry of rights in land and its accompanying map.

One of the most frequent justifications for the United States’ participation in the space race is that, for better or for worse, the nation's prestige is hanging in the balance. Aside from the military, paramilitary, and scientific aspects of the question, it is argued that the Soviet and American space teams are locked in a political struggle whose outcome will be regarded as incontrovertible proof of the relative cultural and economic merits of Communism and democracy: Sputnik I, for instance, was regarded more as a blow to our national honor than as a threat to the national security. While the basis of this outlook is undeniably valid, the attempt to elevate the United States’ prestige through its efforts in space is greatly complicated by the necessity for understanding the criteria upon which other nations of the world—particularly the unaligned and less developed ones —are liable to compare East vs. West. Even so, there have been virtually no systematic analyses of the impact of the space race on the “target” countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America.